2022.05.30为什么要阻止瑞典和芬兰加入北约

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Russia and Ukraine
Recep Tayyip Erdogan on NATO expansion
Turkey’s president explains why his country is blocking Sweden and Finland from joining

May 30th 2022

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The war in Ukraine challenged conventional wisdom about the rules-based international order, great power competition and Euro-Atlantic security. The most recent developments also breathed new life into nato, arguably the greatest military alliance in history.

Turkey has been a proud and indispensable nato ally for 70 years. Our country joined the alliance in 1952, having sent troops to Korea in defence of democracy and freedom. During the cold war and in its aftermath, Turkey has been a stabilising power and a force for good in the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Black Sea regions. Turkish troops, too, have deployed to many parts of the world, from Kosovo to Afghanistan, as part of nato missions.


At the same time, our country invested billions of dollars in its defence industry, bolstering its defensive capacity. That additional capacity resulted in the development of military products that have made their impact in various theatres of war, including Ukraine.

Indeed, Turkey’s increased capacity has also contributed to nato’s resilience and strength. Whereas our partners have always appreciated Turkish contributions to nato’s collective security mission, they quickly forgot about them when there were no threats to their national security. Our partners who only remember Turkey’s importance in turbulent times, such as the crisis in the Balkans, mistakenly thought that long-term stability could be achieved without Turkey. Thus, after the elimination of the immediate threat, they disregarded geopolitical realities and the potential threats that might emerge in the region. Needless to say, such pipe dreams turned out to be short-lived as a result of international crises.

The threats against international peace and security changed in recent years and that led many to believe that nato was an “obsolete” organisation that ceased to serve its purpose. Emmanuel Macron even said in 2019 that the alliance was experiencing “brain death”. The same folks questioned Turkey’s role within nato. That blend of extraordinary wishful thinking and extreme strategic myopia cost the alliance many years.

Nonetheless, Turkey refused to believe that the shortsighted and occasionally reckless attitudes of certain member states reflected the position of nato as a whole. Quite the contrary, we stressed nato’s importance and called on member states to take necessary steps, that included updating nato’s missions to cover emerging threats and making the organisation more relevant for new geopolitical and global challenges. That call was in line with our nation’s response to the international system’s deepening instability, too.


In this sense, Turkey argued that nato—like all other international organisations—had to implement certain reforms to cope with emerging security threats. Specifically on terrorism, the lack of collective action, in spite of direct attacks against many member states, undermined security co-operation and fuelled deep distrust among the citizens of nato countries about the organisation. Turkey highlighted that trend at all nato summits and maintained that international co-operation was vital for transforming the fight against terrorism. We wanted nato to co-operate better on intelligence and military issues when dealing with terror organisations, not only to prevent terrorist attacks but also to curb terrorist financing and recruitment within nato borders. We remain committed to that position.

Likewise, we made legitimate and necessary demands upon nato, as multiple civil wars broke out in Turkey’s neighbourhood, to ensure the security of our borders and airspace as well as human security, as the largest refugee wave since World War II had emerged in the region. Largely abandoned, our country dealt with all those crises by itself and paid a high price during that effort. Ironically, any steps taken under the nato umbrella would have prepared the alliance for future conflicts and crises at its borders.

The new state of affairs, which emerged out of the war in Ukraine, proves that Turkey’s expectations and calls were accurate. Certain member states, which suddenly appreciated Turkey’s geopolitical positioning as that conflict caused widespread disruption, saw that our nation had been right to take certain steps in the past. Turkey was right to ask nato members to prepare for coming geopolitical challenges and, in spite of those who argued that nato was irrelevant, Turkey was absolutely right to state that the organisation would be increasingly important.

As all nato allies accept Turkey’s critical importance to the alliance, it is unfortunate that some members fail fully to appreciate certain threats to our country. Turkey maintains that the admission of Sweden and Finland entails risks for its own security and the organisation’s future. We have every right to expect those countries, which will expect nato’s second-largest army to come to their defence under Article 5, to prevent the recruitment, fundraising and propaganda activities of the pkk, which the European Union and America consider a terrorist entity.

Turkey wants the candidate countries to curb the activities of all terrorist organisations and extradite the members of these organisations. We provided clear evidence to the authorities in these countries and waited for action from them. Also Turkey wants these countries to support the anti-terror operations of nato members. Terrorism is a threat for all members and the candidate countries should recognise this reality before joining. Unless they take necessary steps, Turkey will not change its position on this issue.

Furthermore, Turkey stresses that all forms of arms embargoes—such as the one Sweden has imposed on my country—are incompatible with the spirit of military partnership under the nato umbrella. Such restrictions not only undermine our national security but also damage nato’s own identity. Sweden’s and Finland’s uncompromising insistence on joining the alliance has added an unnecessary item to nato’s agenda.


Turkey’s objection to the admission of Sweden and Finland, which remained neutral up until the most recent developments, represents a decisive step taken on behalf of all nations that have been targeted by terrorist organisations to date. At the end of the day, terrorism has no religion, nation or colour. That each member state decisively stands up to any organisation that aims to harm the civilian population is one of nato’s core aims. No country enjoys any privilege in that regard.

When it comes to solving problems and promoting global peace and security, there may not always be shortcuts. Yet the path to success could be shortened by taking bold and necessary steps along the way. Where Sweden and Finland stand on the national security concerns and considerations of other countries, with which they would like to be allies, will determine to what extent Turkey would like to be allies with those states.

The ignorance and obtrusiveness of those who dare to question the relationship between Turkey, which has adopted a positive and constructive approach regarding the alliance’s expansion in the past, and nato does not change our stance. Our country, which is open to all forms of diplomacy and dialogue, strongly recommends that such focus be directed instead to persuading the candidates to change their positions. There is no authority in Ankara that can be told what to do by any country that is unwilling to fight terrorism. We believe that the reputation and the credibility of the alliance will be at risk if nato members follow double standards in regard to the fight against terrorism. ■

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Recep Tayyip Erdogan is Turkey’s president.



俄罗斯和乌克兰
雷杰普-塔伊普-埃尔多安谈北约扩张
土耳其总统解释他的国家为什么要阻止瑞典和芬兰加入

2022年5月30日



乌克兰战争挑战了关于基于规则的国际秩序、大国竞争和欧洲-大西洋安全的传统智慧。最近的事态发展也为北约这个可以说是历史上最伟大的军事联盟注入了新的活力。

70年来，土耳其一直是北约的一个骄傲和不可或缺的盟友。我国于1952年加入该联盟，曾向朝鲜派遣军队以捍卫民主和自由。在冷战期间和冷战结束后，土耳其一直是中东、高加索和黑海地区的一个稳定力量和一支正义力量。作为北约任务的一部分，土耳其部队也被部署到世界许多地方，从科索沃到阿富汗。


同时，我国对国防工业投资了数十亿美元，加强了其防御能力。这种额外的能力导致了军事产品的发展，这些产品在包括乌克兰在内的各个战区都产生了影响。

事实上，土耳其能力的提高也促进了北约的复原力和实力。尽管我们的合作伙伴一直赞赏土耳其对北约集体安全任务的贡献，但当他们的国家安全没有受到威胁时，他们很快就会忘记这些贡献。我们的伙伴们只记得土耳其在动荡时期的重要性，如巴尔干地区的危机，他们错误地认为没有土耳其就能实现长期稳定。因此，在消除了眼前的威胁后，他们无视地缘政治的现实和该地区可能出现的潜在威胁。毋庸讳言，这种空想由于国际危机的发生而变得短暂。

近年来，对国际和平与安全的威胁发生了变化，这使许多人认为北约是一个 "过时的 "组织，不再有其作用。埃马纽埃尔-马克龙甚至在2019年说，该联盟正在经历 "脑死亡"。同样的人质疑土耳其在北约中的作用。这种非同寻常的一厢情愿和极端的战略近视的混合体让联盟损失了许多年。

尽管如此，土耳其拒绝相信某些成员国的短视和偶尔的鲁莽态度反映了整个北约的立场。恰恰相反，我们强调北约的重要性，并呼吁成员国采取必要的措施，包括更新北约的任务，以涵盖新出现的威胁，并使该组织对新的地缘政治和全球挑战更具相关性。这一呼吁也符合我国对国际体系不稳定性加深的回应。


在这个意义上，土耳其认为，国家组织与所有其他国际组织一样，必须实施某些改革，以应对新出现的安全威胁。特别是在恐怖主义问题上，尽管许多成员国受到了直接攻击，但缺乏集体行动，破坏了安全合作，加剧了北约国家公民对该组织的严重不信任。土耳其在所有北约峰会上都强调了这一趋势，并坚持认为国际合作对于改变反恐斗争的方式至关重要。我们希望北约在处理恐怖组织时在情报和军事问题上进行更好的合作，这不仅是为了防止恐怖袭击，也是为了遏制北约境内的恐怖主义筹资和招募。我们仍然致力于这一立场。

同样，在土耳其周边地区爆发多场内战时，我们向北约提出了合法和必要的要求，以确保我国边境和领空的安全以及人类安全，因为该地区出现了二战以来最大的难民潮。我国在很大程度上被遗弃，自行处理所有这些危机，并在这一努力中付出了高昂的代价。具有讽刺意味的是，在北约保护伞下采取的任何措施都会使该联盟为其边界的未来冲突和危机做好准备。

在乌克兰战争中出现的新状况证明，土耳其的期望和呼吁是准确的。某些成员国在这场冲突造成广泛混乱的情况下，突然对土耳其的地缘政治定位表示赞赏，它们看到我国在过去采取某些措施是正确的。土耳其要求北约成员国为即将到来的地缘政治挑战做好准备是正确的，尽管有人认为北约无关紧要，但土耳其指出该组织将变得越来越重要是绝对正确的。

由于所有北约盟国都接受土耳其对该联盟的关键重要性，不幸的是，一些成员未能充分认识到对我国的某些威胁。土耳其坚持认为，瑞典和芬兰的加入会给土耳其自身的安全和该组织的未来带来风险。我们完全有权利期望这些国家--它们将期望北约第二大军队根据第5条为它们提供保护--防止被欧盟和美国视为恐怖实体的 "北约 "的招募、筹款和宣传活动。

土耳其希望候选国遏制所有恐怖组织的活动并引渡这些组织的成员。我们向这些国家的当局提供了明确的证据，并等待着他们的行动。土耳其还希望这些国家支持北约成员国的反恐行动。恐怖主义对所有成员都是一种威胁，候选国在加入前应该认识到这一现实。除非他们采取必要的措施，否则土耳其不会改变其在这个问题上的立场。

此外，土耳其强调，所有形式的武器禁运--如瑞典对我国实施的禁运--都与北约保护伞下的军事合作精神不相容。这种限制不仅破坏了我们的国家安全，而且还损害了北约自身的特性。瑞典和芬兰不妥协地坚持加入联盟，给北约的议程增加了一个不必要的项目。


土耳其反对瑞典和芬兰加入，直到最近的事态发展都保持中立，这代表着代表所有迄今为止被恐怖组织盯上的国家迈出的决定性一步。归根结底，恐怖主义没有宗教、国家或肤色之分。每个成员国果断地站出来反对任何旨在伤害平民的组织，是北约的核心目标之一。在这方面，没有任何国家享有任何特权。

当涉及到解决问题和促进全球和平与安全时，可能并不总是有捷径可走。然而，通过沿途采取大胆和必要的步骤，可以缩短通往成功的道路。瑞典和芬兰对其他国家的国家安全关切和考虑的立场是什么，它们希望与这些国家成为盟友，这将决定土耳其在何种程度上希望与这些国家成为盟友。

那些敢于质疑土耳其与北约之间关系的人的无知和碍眼，并没有改变我们的立场，因为土耳其在过去对联盟的扩张采取了积极和建设性的态度。我国对各种形式的外交和对话持开放态度，强烈建议将这种关注转向说服候选人改变其立场。在安卡拉，没有任何一个当局可以被任何一个不愿意打击恐怖主义的国家指使去做什么。我们认为，如果北约成员国在打击恐怖主义方面采取双重标准，那么联盟的声誉和可信度将受到威胁。■

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Recep Tayyip Erdogan是土耳其的总统。