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Benazir Bhutto 火玫瑰贝•布托
Jan 3rd 2008 写于2007年1月3日
From The Economist print edition 摘自经济学人杂志印刷版
Benazir Bhutto, Pakistani politician, was killed on December 27th, aged 54
巴基斯坦政治家贝•布托，于2007年12月27日被刺杀，享年54岁
AFP 法新社供图
WHEN Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was deposed as Pakistan's prime minister in 1977, his 24-year-old daughter, Benazir, looked on the bright side. She expected General Zia ul-Haq, the coup leader, to hold elections in a few months. “Don't be an idiot, Pinkie,” said her father, using the nickname inspired by her rosy complexion as an infant, “Armies do not take over power to relinquish it.”
当朱尔费卡•阿里•布托（Zulfikar Ali Bhutto）在1977年被罢免总理之位时，他的年方24岁的爱女贝•布托（Benazir Bhutto）的心中却有着乐观的想法。她期待着政变领袖齐亚哈克（Zia ul-Haq）在数月之后再次进行一次全国选举。“别傻了，小粉心，“她的父亲对她说，呼唤着她的昵称（布托小时候因有着红润的脸蛋而得此爱称），“军队是不会强夺了权力之后又放弃它的。”
Benazir idolised her father, who was executed by the military regime two years later. She inherited the leadership of his Pakistan People's Party—still the country's biggest—and some of his attributes: the curious, potent blend of idealism and cynicism, of wilful blindness and breathtaking courage, of populist charisma and elitist arrogance. Yet she seems never fully to have absorbed that piece of paternal wisdom. She devoted the last years of her life to trying to topple—or share power with—another coup leader, Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's president.
布托崇拜自己的父亲，可她父亲却在两年后被军事独裁政府进行了死刑处决。之后，布托继承了仍是最大党的巴基斯坦人民党的领导权，并且继承了父亲的一些本质特征：追求完美但愤世嫉俗，固执已见地藐视对手但拥有势压群雄的勇气，兼具人民党领导人的独特魅力以及高人一等的傲慢作风——布托所有这些错综复杂的人格不仅引发了人们的好奇心，而且恰到好处。布托为了颠覆巴基斯坦总统穆沙拉夫（Pervez Musharraf，另一个通过政变上任的领导人）政权，或与他分享权力而献出了自己的余生。
Benazir straddled three very different worlds. One was a feudal fief: her family's land in Sindh province. As a child, she loved to hear the story of how Charles Napier, the British conqueror of Sindh, had in 1843 marvelled at the extent of the Bhutto holdings. After her father's death, she found herself on the ancestral turf adjudicating over marital disputes among local villagers as if they were her serfs. When she married, it was an arranged match, with a Sindhi bigwig, Asif Ali Zardari, whom she described in her autobiography as “the heir to the chiefdom of the 100,000-strong Zardari tribe”. When they met in London, he wooed her with crates of mangoes from Fortnum & Mason, and marrons glacés. They had three children, and she was fiercely loyal to him, even after friends as well as foes came to regard him as sleazy and corrupt.
布托一生中历经三个截然不同的人生世界。其一，封建时代的封地：她的家族在信德省（Sindh）拥有的土地。孩童时期，布托喜爱倾听征服信德省的英国征服者查尔斯•纳皮尔(Charles Napier)故事，以及他如何在1843年对布托家族拥有的封地之广阔而惊讶不已。布托的父亲死后，她发现自己竟然在祖先的地盘上判决着一些当地村民的一些家庭琐事，就好像这些人都是她的农奴。布托的婚姻是人为安排的：她嫁给了信德省的权威人物阿西夫•阿里•扎尔达里(Asif Ali Zardari)，布托在自传中把此人描述为了“拥有十万扎尔达里族人的首领的后裔”。当二人相遇在英国伦敦时，阿西夫带着从“皇后食品店”(Fortnum & Mason，福特纳姆&麦森食品店)买来的好几箱芒果与蜜饯栗子向她求爱。他们共生育了三个孩子，而布托对他的忠贞是誓死不渝的，即使在她的朋友与政敌认为她的丈夫是一个庸俗腐朽的人之后，她还是不改初衷。
Benazir also belonged to the world of the international elite. She was educated at a convent in Karachi, and then at Harvard and Oxford. A photograph of her at college in America in the early 1970s, in T-shirt and jeans, against a dormitory wall bedecked with psychedelic posters, bears out her recollection that she resembled Joan Baez, a folk-singer. At Oxford, she would famously drive to London for American ice-cream in her yellow sports convertible. After her death her many friends recalled her little passions—for slushy novels, for lingerie from Victoria's Secret. Yet she had learned by then no longer to let her dupatta slip in public to leave her head uncovered.
布托同样容身于国际精英人物之列。她就读于卡拉奇的一所女修道院，之后又去了美国哈佛与牛津学习。二十世纪七十年代，布托在就读的美国大学里拍了一张照片。照片中，布托身着T恤与牛仔裤，斜倚在帖有五花八门校园海报的宿舍楼墙上——这张照片让布托想起当时她是在模仿民谣歌手Joan Baez的风采气派。在牛津大学时，布托会开着自己亮黄色的敝篷跑车到伦敦去品尝美国冰淇淋。布托逝世后，她的许多朋友们都能回忆布托的种种生活方式——少有兴趣地阅读过分伤感的小说，以及对维多利亚秘密牌（Victoria's Secret，美国的内衣品牌）内衣的了无激情。然而，布托就在那时懂得了不再在公共场合下让自己的dupatta头巾滑落，以避免在公开露面。
At Oxford, she impressed her father—also an alumnus—by becoming president of the Union, a debating society with a line in leaden sophomoric wit. In one debate, an opponent described her father as “a tradesman of some description. A butcher, I gather.” Benazir looked as if she had been slapped in the face. Her father earned this sobriquet from the slaughter in East Pakistan as Bangladesh struggled to be born. She remembered watching television in disgust as a Pakistani general surrendered, with a hug, to an Indian. Benazir thought he should have shot himself instead.
在牛津大学，布托成为了学校一个协会的主席（这是一个由一些乳臭未干的大二牛津才子们依照自己的政治路线组织的辩论协会），这让她的父亲（也是一位牛津校友）印象深刻。在一次的辩论中，一位对方辩友将布托的父亲描述为“某种形式的商人。一个屠夫，我断定。”布托当时就好像自己被别人打了几耳光。布托的父亲得此殊名，是因为他在东巴基斯坦镇压孟加拉人民独立运动时采取了屠杀行动。布托记得她当时怀着憎恨的心情看着电视里巴基斯坦的将军的投降，并与一位印度人的拥抱。布托认为他那时还不如自杀了算了。
That was her third world: Pakistani patriot, centre-left populist, democrat and ruthless politician. Like India's Indira Gandhi, Bangladesh's Sheikh Hasina Wajed, and Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi, she risked and suffered much to fulfil her father's legacy. She endured grim years in detention after her father's death. Both her brothers died unnaturally—the younger one in a mysterious poisoning in France, the elder in a murder in Pakistan for which her husband Asif was charged (and exonerated) but some family members still blame her.
那就是布托的第三世界，即巴基斯坦爱国人士，左翼平民主义者，民主人士和意志刚强的政治家。布托犹如印度的甘地(Indira Gandhi)，孟加拉的谢克•哈西纳•瓦杰德(Sheikh Hasina Wajed)以及缅甸的昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)，她为了完成父亲的遗志不惜冒着大风险，而且还遭受莫大的痛苦。在布托的父亲死后，她忍受了多年被监禁的严酷岁月。布托的两位兄弟也都死于非命——弟弟在法国莫名其妙地被人毒死，而哥哥死于一起谋杀事件当中，丈夫阿西夫则被指控为谋杀事件的幕后指示人（后来被证明无罪），但一些家族成员仍责备是布托的过错。
Freed, Benazir went into exile in London, then returned home to a tumultuous welcome in 1986. Two years later, after Zia ul-Haq was killed when his plane dropped out of the sky, she was elected to power. For a while, it seemed that the country could put its many troubled years of military rule behind it, and look forward to a democratic future.
布托从监禁中释放之后，她流放到了英国伦敦，之后在1986年在民众狂暴的欢迎下回国。两年后，齐亚哈克的专机失事而身亡，因此也就被选举为当政者。一时之间，似乎巴基斯坦能暂且告别多年军事独裁的动荡岁月，从而走向一个民主的未来。
But the hopes Benazir had aroused were swiftly disappointed. Her regime was marked by human-rights abuses, incompetence and massive corruption. Mr Zardari became known as Mr 10%. Ousted in 1990 and re-elected in 1993, she was again dismissed in 1996 by the president. Mr Zardari was jailed and she retreated back into exile to escape corruption charges. From there she watched her successor and nemesis, Nawaz Sharif, fall to the Musharraf coup in 1999, and saw Mr Musharraf become an important American ally after September 11th 2001.
但是，布托带给人民的希望很快就破灭了。她的政权出现了一系列问题：侵犯人权、执政无能以及大规模的腐败现象。扎尔达里先生被称作是“10%先生”。1990年，布托被取缔并在1993年重新上任，后来在1996年又被总统罢免。扎尔达里先生被投入监狱，而布托也再次被流放来逃脱当局控告她腐败。在流放的期间，布托注视着后继者——这位该受报应的纳瓦斯•谢里夫（Nawaz Sharif）如何在1999年被穆沙拉夫的政变所推翻，而且发现穆沙拉夫如何在2001年9月11日之后成为美国的一位重要同盟。
There was, however, still a role for Benazir. America saw her as the best way of putting a democratic face on a military dictatorship, so it helped broker the agreement that saw her return to Pakistan in October to fight elections due in January. Islamist militants threatened to kill her. Scores died in a suicide-bombing on the day of her homecoming. Yet she kept campaigning. Vain, selfish and perhaps foolish, Benazir was also very, very brave.
然而，即使在这种情况下，布托也有用武之地。美国觉得利用布托是让军事独裁有民主效应的最佳办法，因此美国作为中间人而促成了一项协议，即布托在2007年10月回巴基斯坦并为在2008年1月举行的选举而为竞选积极备战。伊斯兰教好战分子曾威胁会杀她。在布托回国当天，就有几十人死于一起自杀性爆炸事件，布托的选票也一落千丈。然而，布托仍没有停歇她的游说活动。这种无奈之举是一种徒劳无获、自私自利而且也很蠢笨的行动，但布托同样也非常、非常地勇敢。
After her assassination, a handwritten will was produced. Foreseeing her own untimely end, it bequeathed her party, like the dynastic heirloom it has become, to her husband, who said he would pass leadership to their 19-year-old son. For a woman who claimed to be driven by a burning desire to bring democracy to Pakistan, it was a curious legacy.
布托被刺杀后，一份手写的遗愿被公布。布托早已预见到自己最终的结局，她在遗愿中将自己的政党交给了自己的丈夫，就像王朝交接传家那样，而她丈夫也说他将把政党的领导权交给自己19岁的儿子。对于一位曾满腔热血为巴基斯坦争取民主制度的女性，这个遗志颇让人感到费解。 |
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