[07.01.13][International]Second thoughts about the Promised Land Land, Promised, thoughts, Second

witt

International
Israel and the Jews
Second thoughts about the Promised Land
以色列与犹太人
重思“应许之地（Promised Land，[注1]）”
Jan 11th 2007 | JERUSALEM, LONDON AND NEW YORK
From The Economist print edition

Jews all around the world are gradually ceasing to regard Israel as a focal point. As a result, many are re-examining what it means to be Jewish
全世界的犹太人正渐渐不再将以色列视为焦点，于是，许多人在重思身为犹太人到底意味着什么

AP/美联社

“THE choice for our people, Mr President, is between statehood and extermination.” Thus wrote Chaim Weizmann, head of the World Zionist Organisation, to Harry Truman, president of America, on April 9th 1948. Five weeks later Weizmann was elected president of the newly declared Jewish state. Truman granted recognition within hours.
“总统阁下，我们的人民的选择是，要么建国，要么绝种。”1948年4月9日，“世界犹太复国主义组织（World Zionist Organisation）”领导人哈伊姆·魏兹曼（Chaim Weizmann）在给美国总统哈里·杜鲁门（Harry Truman）的信中这样写道。五周之后，魏兹曼当选不久前宣告成立的犹太国家的总统。数小时后杜鲁门予以了承认。

Weizmann's words were only partly true. European Jewry faced extinction at the hands of the Nazis, but Jews who had fled eastern Europe's pogroms for America two generations earlier already felt safe and established there. Still, even for them, Israel became the centre of the Jewish world—not merely as a place to run to if things got bad, but as part of what they were. If their grandparents' Judaism was about religion, learning and community, theirs meant something else: being a nation that had lost a third of its people but gained a homeland.
魏兹曼的话只是部分属实。在纳粹（Nazis）手中的欧洲犹太人面对过种族灭绝，但那些早两代之前就因东欧的大屠杀而逃离到美国的犹太人却感到安全并在那里定居。不过，即便对他们来说，以色列也成为犹太人世界的中心——不仅仅是一个避难之所，更是他们自身的一个部分。如果他们祖辈的犹太教信仰（Judaism）是有关宗教、学识（learning）和社团（community），那么他们自己的则意味着别的某种东西：作为一个失去了三分之一人口但却得到故国的民族。

Right from its foundation, the existence of Israel created new questions for world Jewry. If Israel's purpose was to accommodate a nation that could never be safe or fully itself in any other place, was it still possible for self-conscious Jews to flourish in “exile”? Some felt Jews had only two options: assimilate in the countries where they lived, or identify very closely with the new state, if not migrate there.
正是从建国开始，以色列的存在就给全世界的犹太人带来了新的问题。如果，以色列的目的是为了容纳一个在其他任何地方都不可能获得安全或者不完全成就其自身的民族，那么对那些具有自我意识（self-conscious）的犹太人来说，还可能在“流亡（in exile）”中获得蓬勃发展么？一些人认为，犹太人只有两个选择：融入所居住的国家，或是如果没有移民到以色列的话，就非常亲近地认同这个新国家。

Another dilemma arose from the idiosyncrasies of religious life in the new state. Many Israelis are secular—but religious authority in the country is in the hands of the Orthodox. Where does that leave Jews outside Israel who practise more liberal forms of the faith? And the biggest dilemma is this: however proud world Jewry felt of Israel during its early struggle to survive, how should a conscientious Jew react to Israel's new image as military giant and flawed oppressor? Faced with these puzzles, Jews all over the world are finding new ways to assert their identity and a new relationship with Israel.
另一个两难来源于这个新国度的宗教生活的特性。许多犹太人是世俗主义的——但该国的宗教权力是在犹太正教（Orthodox）的掌握之中。这又置以色列之外的那些奉行更为自由主义的信仰的犹太人于何地？而且，最大的两难在于：尽管全世界的犹太人都为早先为生存所作的奋斗倍感骄傲，但一个有良心的犹太人又如何回应以色列作为军事巨人和不光彩的压迫着的形象呢？面对这些困惑，全球的犹太人正在寻找其身份的自我认同以及同以色列新的关系的新途径。

Most diaspora Jews still support Israel strongly. But now that its profile in the world is no longer that of heroic victim, their ambivalence has grown. Many are disturbed by the occupation of the Palestinian territories or more recently by images of Israeli bombing in Lebanon; some fear they give grist to anti-Semites. Quite a few think Jewish religious and cultural life in Israel is stunted. Others question the point of a safe haven that, thanks to its wars and conflicts, is now arguably the place where most Jews are killed because they are Jews. The most radical say, as the Palestinians do, that the idea of an ethnically based state is racist and archaic.
大多数散居在外的犹太人易燃强烈支持以色列。但是既然该国在全球的形象不再是英勇的受害者，他们的矛盾感也增多了。许多人对占领巴勒斯坦领土，或是最近以色列在黎巴嫩的轰炸感到不安；一些人担心这些会滋生反犹分子（anti-Semites）。相当多的人认为，在以色列，犹太人的宗教和文化生活受到妨碍。其他人则怀疑，由于战争和冲突，安全港（safe haven）如今证明正是多数因身为犹太人而遭杀害的地方。就像巴勒斯坦一样，最激进的分子认为，种族国家的观念是种族论的，是落伍的。

What is more, the last great waves of aliyah, immigration to Israel, have ended. Barring a new burst of anti-Semitism, the map of world Jewry will change slowly from now on. Each community is evolving in its own way. Some are seeing a revival unthinkable a few years ago. And young Jews especially are asking what Israel means to them. Some, say Caryn Aviv and David Shneer, two American scholars, in a recent book, “New Jews” (New York University Press), reject the notion that they are in a “diaspora”, which “envisions the Jewish world hierarchically with Israel on top, the diaspora on [the] bottom.”
此外，最近的一轮移居以色列（犹太人将以色列建国前犹太人回归故土巴勒斯坦的行动称为“阿利亚（Aliyah）”——译注）的“回归（aliyah）”大潮已经结束。除非爆发新的反犹行为，从现在开始，世界犹太人地图的改变将变得缓慢。一些人正看到在数年前尚不可思议的复兴。而且，尤其是犹太年青人在寻问以色列对他们意味着什么。两名美国学者卡恩·阿维夫（Caryn Aviv）和大卫·辛尼尔（David Shneer）在最新的著作《新犹太人（New Jews）》（纽约大学出版社）中认为，一些犹太人抵制他们属于“散居在外者”的观点，这种看法“想象在犹太人世界的等级中，以色列人居于上层，而散居在外者处于地层。”

Aliyah literally means “ascent”, while leaving Israel is yeridah, “descent”. Repeated banishment—to Egypt, Assyria, Babylon—and return are the backbone of the Jewish historical narrative. The Hebrew word that usually refers to the diaspora, gola, implies forced exile.
“阿利亚”的字面意思是“上升”，而离开以色列则是“耶利达（yeridah）”，意为“下降”。一再的放逐——到埃及、亚述（Assyria）和巴比伦（Babylon）——和返回是犹太人历史叙述的主干。通常表示“散居在外（diaspora）”的希伯来词“gola”意味着被迫的流亡（exile）。

But as early as 1950 Jacob Blaustein, the head of the American Jewish Committee (AJC), told David Ben-Gurion, Israel's prime minister, that “American Jews vigorously repudiate any suggestion or implication that they are in exile.” In November Ze'ev Bielski, the head of the Jewish Agency, the Israeli body responsible for promoting aliyah, got in hot water for saying that one day American Jews “will realise they have no future as Jews in the US due to assimilation and intermarriage”. America has provided a mere 120,000 Israelis since 1948, and still has as many Jews as Israel. A survey two years ago by Steven M. Cohen, a sociologist at New York's Hebrew Union College, found that just 17% of American Jews called themselves Zionists.
但早在1950年，美国犹太人委员会（American Jewish Committee, AJC）领袖雅各·布劳斯坦（Jacob Blaustein）就告诉以色列总理大卫·本·古里安（David Ben-Gurion），“美国犹太人强烈批判任何认为他们属于流亡者（in exile）的看法或暗示。”11月，推动“阿里亚”运动的以色列团体“犹太代办处（Jewish Agency）”主席泽夫·比埃尔斯基（Ze'ev Bielski）因为声称总有一天，美国犹太人“将会认识到，由于同化和通婚，他们在美国不会有前途”而陷入麻烦。自1948年以来，美国已经提供了起码12万以色列人，但剩下的犹太人数仍有以色列的犹太人口那么多。纽约希伯来联合学院（New York's Hebrew Union College）社会学家史蒂文·M·科恩（Steven M. Cohen）两年前所作的一份调查显示，仅有17%的美国犹太人自谓犹太复国主义者（Zionists）。

Nonetheless, Jewish Americans have long been Israel's strongest supporters. Many of the most zealous West Bank settlers come from America. The main Jewish lobby groups have tended to back right-wing Israeli governments and avoid criticising their policies. The fact that Israel is America's strongest ally emboldens this gung-ho stance. So does the ultra-Zionist stance of some American Christians.
虽然如此，美国犹太人一直都是以色列最坚定的支持者。许多最热心的西岸（West Bank）定居者都来自美国。主要的犹太游说团体往往支持以色列右翼政府，并避免批评其政策。以色列是美国最坚定的盟友的事实也鼓励了这种同心协力的姿态。一些美国基督徒的极端犹太复国主义（ultra-Zionist）立场也是如此。

But Jews too young to have watched Israel rout three Arab armies in six days in 1967 are less likely to see it as heroic, morally superior, in need of help, or even relevant. “Israel in the Age of Eminem”, a report written in 2003 for the Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies, a Jewish charity, concluded that “There is a distance and detachment between young American Jews and their Israeli cousins that does not exist among young American Arabs and has not existed in the American Jewish community until now.” In Mr Cohen's survey, only 57% of American Jews said that “caring about Israel is a very important part of my being Jewish”, down from 73% in a similar survey in 1989.
但是那些过于年轻而未曾见过以色列人1967年在6天里就击溃三支阿拉伯大军的犹太人就不太可能认为其英勇、道德优越、需要帮助或是诸如此类。2003年为犹太人慈善团体“安德里亚与查尔斯·布隆夫曼慈善事业”（Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies）所撰写的一份报告总结说，“在年青美国犹太人与其以色列同胞之间存在着疏远和脱离，这在美国阿拉伯人中则不存在，在美国的犹太人社团中直到现在也不存在。”在科恩的调查中，只有57%的美国犹太人声称“关注以色列是其身为犹太人的相当重要的一部分”，相对1989年类似调查中73%的比例有所下降。

The culprit is not just the Arab-Israeli conflict. American Jewry is pluralistic—many of its members belong to progressive denominations such as Reform and Conservative Judaism—while Israel's Orthodox establishment does not recognise conversions or marriages by other kinds of rabbis. Clashes over “who is a Jew” cooled American-Jewish attitudes to Israel well before the second Palestinian intifada.
罪魁祸首（culprit）不仅仅是阿以冲突（Arab-Israeli conflict）。美国犹太人是多元的——其中很多人属于诸如改革派（Reform Judaism）和保守派（Conservative Judaism）这样的进步派别——而以色列的正统派（Orthodox）则不认可其它派别的拉比（rabbi，犹太教的经师——译注）所主持的改信和婚姻[注2]。有关“谁是犹太人（who is a Jew）”的争端让美国犹太人对以色列的态度在第二次巴勒斯坦“抗暴起义”（intifada，阿拉伯语，指巴勒斯坦人为反抗以色列占领并建立巴勒斯坦国而进行的起义——译注）之前曾变得冷淡。

The intifada, like any crisis, rallied support. Howard Rieger, president of the United Jewish Communities (UJC), an American umbrella body, recalls that when the UJC launched appeals to help suicide-bomb victims and their families, “it was the first time [in recent years that] Israel had been put at risk and the response was similar to that of the previous generation.” This summer, a UJC appeal during Israel's war against Hizbullah in Lebanon raised $340m in just six weeks.
（但）如同任何危机一样，“起义”重新恢复了（他们对以色列的）支持。美国一家庇护机构“犹太人社团联合会（United Jewish Communities, UJC）”主席霍华德·里格尔（Howard Rieger）回想起当时UJC吁请帮助自杀性炸弹的受害者及其家属的情形，“那是（近几年来）以色列第一次处于危险之中，人们的响应类似于前代的情形。”今年夏天，以色列对黎巴嫩真主党（Hizbullah）发起战争期间，UJC的呼吁在短短六周之内就筹集到3.4亿美元的捐款。

Leaping to Israel's defence is still what the Jewish establishment does best. After the war, the Israel On Campus Coalition, a student organisation, issued a 129-page guide with contributions from all the major Jewish and pro-Israel bodies, packed with set-piece talking points for knocking down critics of Israel. But Jewish students who wanted a real debate about the war—like the debate by then raging furiously in Israel itself—had to look elsewhere.
冒然进入以色列防卫话题仍然是犹太人团体最尽力所从之事。战争爆发后，学生组织“在校以色列人联盟（Israel On Campus Coalition）”就发行了一本长达129页的指南，该指南由来自所有主要的犹太人及亲以色列的团体投稿，全都是以定式的（set-piece）论据来推翻对以色列的批评。但那些想就战争进行真正辩论的犹太学生——就如当时在以色列国内热烈风行的那种辩论——不得不看看别的。

“There has to be something better for North Americans to do [with Israel] than respond to crisis,” says Roger Bennett, director of special projects at the Bronfman foundation. Mr Rieger agrees. One thing they could do, he thinks, is work with Israelis on resolving the “identity question”, namely, the Jewish character of life in the Jewish state, where religious identity is often displaced by a secular, national one.
布隆夫曼的基金会的特别项目主任罗杰·班尼特（Roger Bennett）说：“就北美人而言，（针对以色列，）应该有着比对危机做出反应更有意义的事情做。”里格尔对此表示赞同。他认为，他们可以就解决“身份问题”——也就是，在一个宗教身份常常被一个世俗的、国家的身份所取代的犹太国家里，人的犹太特性——同以色列人进行合作。

The trouble, says Mr Bennett, is that the mainstream American Jewish institutions were born to make the case for Israel and to fight anti-Semitism. Young Jews today, however, are searching for identity, spirituality, meaning and roots. Unlike their grandparents, they are not concentrated among other Jews but spread out across society. They do not meet people in synagogues or other Jewish forums, but form their own networks. “Jewish” is just one part of their multi-faceted American identity, and Israel does not seem that relevant.
班尼特认为，麻烦在于主流的美国犹太人组织天生就支持以色列并同反犹主义作斗争。然而，今天的年轻犹太人正在寻找其身份（identity）、精神性（spirituality）、意义（meaning）与根源（root）。同他们的祖辈不一样的是，他们并不专注于其他犹太人之中，而是扩展到整个社会。他们不会在犹太会堂或其它犹太人论坛上与人会面，而是形成了他们自身的网络。“犹太人”仅仅是他们多面性（multi-faceted）的美国人身份的一个部分，而以色列看起来倒并不那么相干。

An ambitious attempt to resist assimilation and the loss of Jewishness is the “birthright israel” programme, sponsored by a group of Jewish philanthropists, which since 1998 has given over 100,000 young Jews from around the world a free ten-day trip to the country. It aims less to promote aliyah than to give an instant hit of Jewishness. Surveys show it works. Mark Hanis, an Ecuadorean-born 24-year-old who did the trip in 2001, calls it “transformative”, a word Jewish leaders love. “The big impact for me”, he relates, “was seeing children in the streets playing soccer like you always saw in Ecuador, but wearing yarmulkes instead of crosses.”
“以色列生存权（birthright israel）”计划[注3]就是一项为抵制同化和“犹太性的丧失（loss of Jewishness）”而进行的雄心勃勃的努力，该项目由一群犹太人慈善家赞助，自从1998年以来已经为来自全世界的10万多名犹太青年提供了前往以色列的免费10日游。相对推动“阿利亚”回归运动，该计划目的更多地是给以“犹太性”的直接碰撞。调查显示它起到了作用。24岁的马克·哈尼斯（Mark Hanis）出生于欧洲，曾在2001年参加这一旅行的，他形容这一项目“有改造力（transformative）”——这是犹太人领袖们所喜爱的一个词。他说：“对我很大的一个冲击就是，你会看到孩子们在街上踢足球，就像在厄瓜多尔总能看到的一样，但他们戴着圆顶小帽，而不是十字架。”

Ironically, though, many returning birthrighters have embarked on a search for new ways of what is colloquially called “doing Jewish” that have little to do with Israel or even religion. A lot of it is based on tikkun olam, literally “world repair”, the Jewish duty of social activism. Thus Mr Hanis, the grandson of Holocaust survivors, decided that Jews have a duty to fight genocide, and founded the Genocide Intervention Network, a campaign against the killings in Darfur. A young leaders' conference, ROI120, ambitiously decided, at its first meeting last summer, to create “the cultural expectation that Jewish youth will spend a year engaged in social service” after finishing school. The American Jewish World Service, which works on everything from microcredit in El Salvador to women's rights in Rwanda, has more than doubled its intake of volunteers in the past four years.
不过，具有讽刺意味的是，许多获得该权利的人（birthrighter）已开始从事探求俗话所谓的“做犹太人（doing Jewish）”的新途径，而这与以色列甚或与宗教信仰没有多大关系。
其中许多是基于犹太人社会行动主义的责任——“让世界更美好（tikkun olam）”，其字面意思为“修理世界”。因而，哈尼斯先生，这位犹太人大屠杀（Holocaust）幸存者的孙子确认，犹太人有义务同种族灭绝作斗争，他并创立了旨在反对达尔富尔（Darfur）杀戮行为的“反种族灭绝网络（Genocide Intervention Network）”运动。青年领袖协会“ROI120”也在去年夏天的第一次会议上雄心勃勃地决定，要创建“犹太青年将（在完成学业后）花费一年时间去参加社会公益服务的文化期待（cultural expectation）”。而“美国犹太人世界服务中心（American Jewish World Service）”在过去的四年里，吸收的志愿者人数已经翻了一番多。这个组织从事着从萨尔瓦多的小额信贷到卢旺达的妇女权利这样的几乎所有种类的事务。


AP/美联社
Prepare to celebrate: a feast in Arkansas 庆祝准备：阿肯色州的节日

Then there is the growth of synagogues that welcome gay and transsexual Jews; of Jewish cultural centres; and of museums that celebrate Jewish history instead of mourning the Holocaust. New York has produced avant-garde projects such as Reboot, a forum for creative young Jews that in turn has spawned a magazine, a record label and a publishing house. As all these new ways of “doing Jewish” reanimate young Americans' sense of belonging, the far-off country where they could in theory go may start to matter even less.
于是，欢迎同性恋和变性犹太人的犹太会堂有所增加，犹太文化中心有所增加；赞美犹太历史而不是凭吊大屠杀的博物馆也有所增加。纽约已经出现了如“重启（Reboot）”这样的前卫计划，这是一个为富于创造力的犹太青年提供的论坛，并已经先后出品了一份杂志，一个唱片品牌以及一家出版社。所有这些“做犹太人”的新途径都鼓舞了年轻美国人的归属感，而那个理论上他们可以前往的遥远国度的重要性则可能开始变得较次了。

Some groups try to keep Israel relevant but in new ways. The New Israel Fund, for instance, holds traditional fund-raising appeals for Israel, but gives a lot of the money to untraditional causes like gay or Arab civil rights. It is also less afraid of politics: it published a newspaper article in November criticising the inclusion of Avigdor Lieberman, a right-wing extremist, in the Israeli government, while groups like the AJC kept an embarrassed silence.
一些团体试图保持同以色列的关联，但通过新的途径。例如，“新以色列基金会（New Israel Fund）”就为以色列进行传统的筹款诉求，但为同性恋或是阿拉伯公民权这类非传统的事业提供了许多钱款。它也不怎么担心政治问题：11月，它在报纸上发表了一篇文章批评以色列政府中的右翼极端分子阿维格多·利伯曼（Avigdor Lieberman），而AJC这类团体则是尴尬地保持沉默。

But the pro-Israel heavy guns still predominate. And their one-sided discourse risks turning young people off. It is often seen, Mr Cohen says, “as demanding loyalty to certain objectionable Israeli policies”. In the long run, he predicts a polarisation in American Jewry: a small group growing more pious and attached to Israel, while a larger one drifts away.
但是亲以色列的重量级团体仍是占据主流。并且，他们片面的讲道也可能会让年轻人感到厌烦。科恩认为，这常常会被视为“对人们所反对的以色列某个政策过分地忠诚”。最后，他预言了美国犹太人的分化：少部分人变得更虔诚和更依恋以色列，而多数人则慢慢离开。

If American Jews worry about assimilation depleting their numbers, so much more do the already less numerous Jews of Europe. Israel ought to matter more to them; it is also closer. But European Jewry is a patchwork quilt, where the bond with Israel depends greatly on local conditions.
如果美国犹太人担心同化会减少他们的人数，那么人数更少的欧洲犹太人就更应已经如此了。以色列更该在乎他们，而且距离也更近。但欧洲犹太人犹如拼接的棉被一般，他们同以色列的结合非常依赖当地情况。

In Britain, even more than in America, Israel is an anchor of Jewish identity. Britons are far more likely to have visited Israel, have family there and call themselves Zionists, even though their political view of Israel is sometimes more critical.
在英国，甚至比在美国，以色列还要成为犹太人身份的精神支柱。英国人访问过以色列，有亲属在那里并自称是犹太复国主义者的可能性更高，尽管他们对以色列的政治观点不时持批评态度。

But Rabbi Rodney Mariner is worried. A survey of his flock in London's Belsize Square found “a very low level of enthusiasm and commitment to Israel among pretty much all the middle-to-younger members”. Coming from British Jewry's Liberal camp, he notes that the only growth is at the other end of the spectrum: among the haredim, the ultra-Orthodox, whose garb and close inter-communal ties set them apart. “I don't see something outside ultra-Orthodoxy, other than Israel, that can hold a Jewish community together in the long run,” Rabbi Mariner says. That troubles him, because Israel seems poor glue. He has qualms about its policies, little faith in its leadership, and doubts about “the value of Israel in Jewish terms”. Britain's chief rabbi, Jonathan Sacks, is of a somewhat similar mind. He has cautiously criticised Israel's treatment of the Palestinians and recently chided it for lacking “a Jewish sense of ethics permeating the great institutions of society”.
不过，拉比罗德尼·马利纳（Rodney Mariner）有些担心。他对其在伦敦贝尔塞兹广场（Belsize Square）的信徒的调查发现“在几乎所有的中青年成员中，对以色列的热心和奉献水平都很低”。来自英国犹太人“自由派（Liberal）”阵营的马利纳发现，唯一的增长出现在另一端：在“哈勒丁派（haredim）”，即“极端正统派”中，其装扮和亲密的社区内部联系使他们彼此分离。“除了以色列，在极端正统派之外，我看不到有别的东西最终可以将一个犹太社区团结在一起。”马利纳拉比说道。这令他困扰，因为以色列象是劣质胶水。他质疑其政策，也不信任其领导层，并怀疑“在犹太人关系中以色列的价值”。英国首席拉比乔纳森·萨克斯（Jonathan Sacks）也多少有类似意见。他曾谨慎地批评以色列对待巴勒斯坦人的方式，并在不久前斥责以色列缺乏“贯穿于伟大的社会制度中的犹太人的道德感”。

France, by contrast, has more Jews than anywhere else in western Europe, estimated at half to three-quarters of a million. But most of France's Jewish families came two or three generations ago from North Africa. They are less attached to France than their counterparts over the Channel are to Britain, says Jean-Jacques Wahl, director-general of the Alliance Israélite Universelle in Paris; almost all have family ties to Israel, or have lived there.
与之相比，法国拥有比西欧地区其他国家更多的犹太人，估计有50万到75万。然而，多数法国犹太家庭是在两到三代之前从北非来的。巴黎“世界以色列人联盟（Alliance Israélite Universelle）”总干事让-雅克·瓦尔（Jean-Jacques Wahl）认为，相比海峡对岸的同类人（counterpart）对英国的依恋，他们对法国的依恋更小；几乎所有人都同以色列有亲属关系，或曾居住在以色列。

Young French Jews, he adds, are also likely to be more anti-Arab and right-wing: “I think that Bibi [Binyamin Netanyahu, head of Israel's right-of-centre Likud party] is more popular in France than in Israel.” On top of that, a series of anti-Semitic attacks in recent years—a period when Muslim-Jewish antagonism has compounded the old anti-Semitism of the French right—are stoking fear and making aliyah seem more attractive. Last year 3,000 Jews moved from France to Israel, a level rarely seen in the past 30 years.
他补充说，法国的犹太青年也可能是更“反阿拉伯（anti-Arab）”、更右翼：“我认为，Bibi（本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（Binyamin Netanyahu），以色列中间偏右的利库德（Likud）党的领导人）在法国要比在以色列还要受欢迎。”另外，最近几年一系列的反犹袭击——这段时期，穆斯林-犹太人之间的对抗已经同法国右翼早前的反犹主义混合到一起——正激起人们的恐惧，并使得“阿利亚”似乎更具吸引力。去年，3000名犹太人从法国移居到以色列，这个水平在过去的30年里很少见。

And yet even France's Jews bridled when Ariel Sharon, then Israel's prime minister, said in 2004 that they should move to Israel. Mr Wahl thinks the community, less split along denominational lines than elsewhere, is there to stay.
可是，当2004年时任以色列总理的阿里埃勒·沙龙（Ariel Sharon）表示他们应该移居到以色列之时，法国犹太人却约束住了自己。瓦尔认为，相比其他地方依照派别界限分裂更少的社团就会留下来。

Contrast Israel's gravitational pull on French and British Jewry with its relationship to Germany and Russia. Russian Jews, in fact, predominate in both countries. For 13 years Germany offered all Jews from the former Soviet Union automatic residency, and today the community numbers 115,000, four times what it was before the Iron Curtain fell. In September, in a stirring epitaph to the country's Nazi past, new rabbis were ordained on German soil for the first time since the Holocaust.
与以色列对法国和英国犹太人的吸引力形成对照的是其同德国和俄国的关系。事实上，在这两个国家都是俄国犹太人居多。德国已经连续13年为所有来自前苏联（Soviet Union）的犹太人提供自动居留（automatic residency），如今犹太人社区总数已达11万5千个，是“铁幕（Iron Curtain）”落下之前数量的四倍。今年9月，德国国内自（纳粹对犹太人的）大屠杀以来第一次任命了新的拉比，这在该国纳粹历史的墓志铭上写下了激动人心的一笔。

But having moved once, few Russian immigrants feel like moving again. Young Jews in Germany, says Michael Brenner, a historian at Ludwig Maximilien University in Munich, are less likely to go to Israel than to England, “to study and find a Jewish partner and a more normal and diverse Jewish life”. Among Jews in Germany, criticism of Israel is muted. But Zionist activism, says Rabbi Walter Homolka, the principal of the Abraham Geiger College, the seminary where the three new rabbis were trained, gets “very little response”. For him, the big worry is whether the Russian arrivals, whose priority is integrating into German society, will stay Jewish too. And the way to bind them in, he thinks, is not some artificial bond to Israel, but local attractions, such as Jewish day schools.
然而，如果曾经有过移居情况，那么，很少有俄国移民想要再次移居。慕尼黑大学（全称“路德维希-马克西米利安-慕尼黑大学”，Ludwig Maximilien University in Munich）的历史学家迈克·布伦纳（Michael Brenner）就说，德国的犹太青年去以色列“做研究、寻找一位犹太伴侣，以及过一种更正规而多样的犹太生活”的可能性要比去英国来得少。在德国犹太人之中，对以色列的批评也很微弱，但沃尔特·霍莫尔卡拉比（Rabbi Walter Homolka）说，犹太复国运动激进主义只获得“寥寥无几的响应”。霍莫尔卡是亚伯拉罕·盖格学院（Abraham Geiger College）的校长，而该学院就是前述三位新拉比曾受过培训的地方。霍莫尔卡的忧虑主要是，那些优先权正整合到德国社会中去的俄国到来者是否也会继续作为犹太人。此外，他认为，可以约束这些人的途径并非是某些同以色列的虚假联结，而是本地的吸引力，例如犹太人走读学校。

The world's least-expected Jewish revival, however, is going on in Russia itself. Once it was a place that Jews only wanted to leave; more than a million moved to Israel after 1990. But there are still hundreds of thousands left. Jewish identity is naturally strong in Russia, where Soviet rule quashed religious life but insisted on the separateness of Jewish ethnicity. These days, even Jews who have never been to a synagogue are happy to assert that separateness: they are rossiiskiye, Russian citizens, but not russkiye, “Russians”. The ultra-Orthodox Lubavitch movement, which works to bring lapsed Jews around the world back into the fold, can take some credit. But probably the main factor is Russia's economic boom. Synagogues and community centres are opening everywhere, with funds that once came from a few Jewish tycoons but now flow in from newly middle-class businessmen.
然而，全世界最意想不到的犹太复兴正在俄罗斯本国内出现。俄国一度曾是犹太人只想离开的地方，1990年后超过一百万的犹太人移居以色列。但是，仍有数十万的人留下了。在俄国，苏联时期曾取消了宗教生活，并坚持犹太种族的划分（separateness），因此犹太人特性自然很强烈。现在，即便是那些从未进过犹太会堂的人也很乐意维持这种划分：他们是“rossiiskiye”（俄国公民），但不是俄罗斯人（russkiye）。旨在将全球丧失信仰的犹太人带回教会的极端正统派的“路巴维特奇（Lubavitch）”运动对此有所功劳，但或许主要因素还是在于俄罗斯的经济繁荣。各处的犹太会堂以及社区中心都是开放的，其资金曾一度来自少数犹太企业大亨，但如今则来自新兴的中产阶级商人。




As many as 100,000 Russian-Israelis have gone back to Russia, says Rabbi Avraham Berkowitz, the director of the Lubavitch-run Federation of Jewish Communities, one of Russia's two main (and rival) umbrella groups. In a fast-growing market with a population over 20 times the size of Israel's, they often get better work. Today, a Russian Jew in Moscow will be more expensively dressed than his cousin in Tel Aviv: a big reversal from ten years ago.
据亚伯拉罕·伯克维兹（Avraham Berkowitz）拉比说，有多达10万名俄裔以色列人（Russian-Israelis）已经返回俄国。他是由“路巴维特奇派”主导的“犹太社区联盟（Federation of Jewish Communities）”的干事长，后者是俄国两大（彼此敌对的）庇护团体之一。在一个拥有超过以色列20倍人口的快速增长的市场中，他们可以得到更好的工作。今天，身在莫斯科的一名俄国犹太人将比其身在特拉维夫的同胞穿戴更为奢华：这是十年之前的情形一个大大的颠倒。

Israel's government dislikes acknowledging this apparent yeridah, but as Rabbi Berkowitz argues, “It's a win-win situation for both Israel and Russia.” Most of the returnees retain ties with Israel; they often leave families there, and invest earnings there, in homes and education. This makes for a new kind of diaspora: these days, as one listens to the sound of Russian in Old Jerusalem or Hebrew on the canals of St Petersburg, it can be hard to tell where Israel ends and Russia begins.
以色列政府不愿承认这种显而易见的衰落，但正如伯克维兹拉比所认为的，“这对以色列和俄罗斯双方是一个双赢局面。”很多归国者仍然保持同以色列的联系；他们常常将家属留在那里，并在那里投资房屋和教育。这就导致了一种新的流散（diaspora）：今天，当某个人在耶路撒冷老城（Old Jerusalem）听到俄国人的声音，或在圣彼得堡（St Petersburg）的运河上听到希伯来人的声音，他就很难分辨以色列终止于何处，而俄国又起始于何处。

Don't worry, be Jewish
别担心，做一个犹太人

In fact, a Jewish cultural revival is going on not just in Russia and Germany, but all across Europe. Tony Lerman of the Jewish Policy Research Institute in London cites steep rises in the numbers of Jewish museums, Jewish day schools and academic Jewish studies courses; more people are studying Yiddish, a dying language not long ago; Jewish film, music and cultural festivals are flourishing everywhere, even in Poland, a cradle of anti-Semitism.
事实上，犹太文化复兴并不仅仅在俄罗斯和德国两国出现，而是遍及全欧。伦敦“犹太人政策研究所（Jewish Policy Research Institute）”的托尼·勒曼（ony Lerman）提到，犹太人博物馆、犹太人走读学校以及犹太人文科学教育课程等方面数量激增；更多的人在学习依地语（Yiddish），而该语言不久前还是日渐消亡；犹太电影、音乐以及文化节日正到处蓬勃发展，甚至是在反犹主义的发源地——波兰。

Partly this reflects a fad for exotica among non-Jews. Still, it suggests that many Jews are reacting to anti-Semitism and fears of assimilation not by moving to Israel, but by rediscovering what it means to be Jewish outside it. Mr Shneer and Ms Aviv make the intriguing prophecy that in ten years, American Jewish foundations “will spend as much money sending young Jews to Vilnius to study Yiddish or Prague to study Jewish art or architecture as they do sending young Jews to Israel.”
这部分反映出对非犹太人（non-Jews）中的新奇事物的一时热衷。不过，这也表明许多犹太人正在反抗反犹主义以及抗拒对被同化的畏惧，其方式不是移居到以色列，而是重新发现在以色列之外身为犹太人的个中意味。辛尼尔先生以及阿维夫女士做了一番很有诱惑力的预言：十年内，美国犹太人各基金会“将会花费与派送犹太青年前往以色列所需同样多的钱财，以派遣犹太青年前往维尔纽斯学习依地语，或是前往布拉格学习犹太艺术或建筑学。”

The old-style attachment to Israel, treating it as a potential future home, a shield against assimilation, and an ongoing emergency needing support, is a mistake, Mr Lerman argues. “The way to continue it is with common concerns about education, civil society, human rights and values.” Even the Jewish Agency, a bastion of traditional Zionism, is changing tack. Makom, one of its partner agencies, now sends envoys to American Jews with a new brief: to get young Jews interested in Israel not by “hugging” it but by “wrestling” with it and its contradictions.
勒曼认为，将以色列看作一个潜在的未来家园、一个抗拒同化的盾牌，以及一个需要支持的进行中的紧要状态，是一种旧式的对以色列的依恋，这是一种错误。“延续这一情感的办法就是共同关注教育、公民社会、人权以及价值观。”甚至连传统的犹太复国运动的堡垒“犹太代办处”也在更变方针。其合伙人代办机构“玛康姆（Makom，注4）”如今就派遣特使向美国犹太人传达了新纲要：不是通过“拥抱（hugging）”，而是通过与之及其异议者（contradiction）“摔跤（wrestling）”来让犹太青年对以色列感兴趣。

Accepting this challenge may be Israel's best chance to stay relevant to non-Israeli Jews. Israelis may still speak of the gola; but the Jews who fled to the Hellenistic world after the destruction of Jerusalem's Second Temple in 70 AD deliberately adopted the Greek word diaspora, “dispersal”, because it was more neutral. “Diasporism”—the idea that Jews are better off outside the Holy Land—is a tradition that began with the prophet Jeremiah and still exists among a few ultra-Orthodox Jews. But increasingly, today's young Jews see the future not as a choice between Zion and exile, but as a fruitful fusion of both.
接受这一挑战可能是以色列保持同非以色列犹太人联系的最好机会。或许以色列人仍会说“流亡（gola，意即‘exile’，或作‘放逐’）”，但在公元70年耶路撒冷第二圣殿（Jerusalem's Second Temple，注5）破坏之后，那些逃到希腊世界的犹太人采用了希腊词语“diaspora（散居，意即‘dispersal’）”，因为该词更具中性色彩。“流散论（Diasporism）”——一种认为犹太人居于“圣地（Holy Land）”之外才会境况更好的观念——是一种惯例，起自先知耶利米（Jeremiah），今仍存在于一些极端正统派犹太人之中。然而，今天的犹太青年越来越不把未来看成是在锡安山（Zion）和流亡（exile）之间作一个选择，而是看作两者的富有成效的融合。

[注1]The Promised Land，“应许之地”，源出《旧约·出埃及记》，即上帝曾对犹太人始祖亚伯拉罕做出允诺的“应许之地”（答应给予希伯莱人的栖身之所，让其子孙在这块“流（着）奶和蜜的地方”世代生息繁衍并“永远为王”）——“迦南（Canaan，即今耶路撒冷及黎巴嫩、叙利亚沿海地区）”；又指“乐土，福地，希望之乡”。两千多年来，犹太人丧失家园，流散于世界各地，不断遭受各种迫害、歧视、屠杀，但他们虔信自己是上帝的特选子民，坚信“神许诺把这个地方永远赐给亚伯拉罕的后代”，犹太人无论流落何处，对迦南的神圣追求和强烈的回乡观念都使他们对迦南地区充满了一种神圣的、不可动摇的精神追求。

[注2]现代犹太教派别。法国大革命的胜利，使得中世纪备受民族、宗教、政治、经济和社会压迫的欧洲犹太人获得了很大的解放，犹太人面临如何调整自己，使自己适应宗主国的社会、文化环境的问题，由此出现了德国摩西·门德尔松（Moses Mendelssohn）开辟的犹太启蒙运动（Haskalah，哈斯卡拉）。该运动的目标是“冲破隔都的禁锢，把犹太人改造成真正的欧洲人；另一方面，他又希望犹太人继续保持自己的民族特性”。犹太教内部的改革促生了现代犹太教的分裂。现代犹太教主要包括三大派别：“正统派”（Orthodox Judaism）、“保守派”（Conservative Judaism）、“改革派”（Reform Judaism），后从美国的“保守派”中又分化出“重建派”（Reconstructionist Judaism）。其中，1）“正统派”是最大的派别，自视是唯一正统的犹太教信众，其最大特点是坚持“天不变道亦不变”的原则，拒绝犹太教的任何变革，确信整部《妥拉（Torah）》是上帝在西奈山上赋予摩西的神启，犹太律法是不可改变的，必须严守传统信仰、律法和礼仪。故有称为传统/法典犹太教，正统派又可分出极端正统派、新正统派和哈西德派（虔敬派）。2）“改革派”起源于十八世纪末德国犹太人自贫民窟解放而来，此派寻求的是犹太主义现代化，遏止威胁德国犹太人被同化的浪潮，强调伦理和先知的教训。该派主张对犹太教进行改革，以适应现代社会和思想的需要；强调应放弃在宗教文化上造成犹太人与世隔绝的一切东西（包括犹太教传统的律法、规则、礼仪、习俗等）；不承认《妥拉》和《塔木德（Talumd）》经典中的许多规定和有关礼仪的条文，认为并非上帝的直接启示；提出在宗教思想上没有任何不变的真理，凡是真理必须受人们理性的检验，故又称为“自由/进步犹太主义”。3）“保守派”是介于“正统派”和“改革派”之间的温和派，前身是德国的犹太教历史学派，又称“历史犹太主义”。该派是出于中产阶级对“改革派”极端同化倾向的反弹。就“保守派”坚持犹太教法律和仪礼的重要性而言，它接近于“正统派”，而就其赞同法律的可变性、灵活性而言，它又很难和“改革派”划清界线。4）“重建派”则是从美国“保守派”分化而来，该派在仪礼上接近“保守派”，而在理论观点上甚至比“改革派”还要激进。这个派别主张自由地解释传统，以会堂为犹太生活的中心，主张宗教生活的民主化，鼓励和支持以色列国的建设。

[注3] birthright israel，是一项全球范围内向年轻学生提供前往以色列的首次的、同龄群体的教育性免费旅行的计划。该计划是由犹太慈善家查尔斯·布隆夫曼（Charles R. Bronfman）和迈克·斯坦恩哈德特（Michael H. Steinhardt）所发起，并得到以色列政府的支持。该计划的任务是向犹太青年展示终身犹太价值，增强全球犹太人的团结，加强参与者的个人犹太身份认同和与犹太人的联系。有关情况可参见官方网站[url=http://www.birthrightisrael.com/]http://www.birthrightisrael.com/[/url]。

[注4]Makom，希伯来词语，意为“位置、地位（place）；所处位置或地位（the place to be）”，同时也是对上帝（God）的一个称名。“玛康姆”是犹太代办处在北美的一个合作伙伴，其目标是帮助青少年发展质询精神和犹太传统知识的基础上的个人的、民族的道德哲学，以增强其犹太人奉献精神，培养他们积极的犹太特质和价值观；其本质价值包括：彼此尊敬（klal yisrael）、爱学习（talmud torah）、修善世界（tikkun olam）、善行（gemilut chasadim）以及民族行为（derech eretz）。该网络下的社区包括：西区（MetroWest）、迈阿密（Miami）、纽约（New York）、北泽西（Northern Jersey）、棕榈滩县（Palm Beach County）、费城（Philadelphia）、匹兹堡（Pittsburgh）、旧金山（San Francisco）、多伦多（Toronto）、华盛顿特区(Washington, D.C.)、辛辛那提（Cincinnati）以及圣路易斯（St. Louis）等。

[注5]耶路撒冷圣殿。据以色列历史记载，公元前900多年，以色列国王所罗门在耶路撒冷建立了第一座圣殿，从此耶路撒冷成为了以色列的文化中心，这一时期被称为“第一圣殿时期”。但在公元前586年，巴比伦国王尼布甲尼撤征服了耶路撒冷，第一圣殿不幸被摧毁。公元前538年波斯征服巴比伦，居鲁士王号召犹太人回归耶路撒冷，还将巴比伦人掠走的5 000 多件圣殿器物归还给犹太人。公元前516年．在所罗巴伯和约书亚的带领下，犹太人在第一圣殿的遗址上建成了圣殿，史称“第二圣殿”。公元70年，圣殿再遭不幸，罗马镇压了犹太人的起义，数十万犹太人惨遭杀戮，耶路撒冷和圣殿几乎被夷为平地。罗马人对当地及附近的犹太人大规模的杀戮。为此，犹太人开始陆续离开耶路撒冷并向四处迁移，开始了这一民族颠沛流离的生活。

shiyi18

大多数散居在外的犹太人易燃强烈支持以色列。  "易燃“？（易爆） 笔误

gem

文章很长,而且注释不少,肯定很辛苦吧.

文字风格比较西化,我还是觉得在汉语行文风格的基础上吸收一些西方风格.

仅供商榷.

Andreas_nt

Witt兄台，牛！我自从翻译过俄罗斯的那篇SP以后，元气大伤，对长文一直提不起兴趣，不堪其负啊！想不到你尽挑长文翻，攻坚精神，可见一斑。抱双拳以示敬意！