[TIME]【1997.03.03】THE NEXT CHINA 1997年《时代》纪念邓小平的封面文章 邓小平, 时代, THE, NEXT, 封面

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THE NEXT CHINA
By Johanna McGeary;SANDRA BURTON/HONG KONG, DEAN FISCHER AND DOUGLAS WALLER/WASHINGTON AND JAIME A. FLORCRUZ/BEIJING Monday, Mar. 03, 1997
本人仅作为翻译材料，不代表本人认同其观点，并且确实文中的很多说法我不喜欢，并且时过境迁，很多提法也已经过时，翻译此文只是为了纪念一下真正做出了巨大贡献的小平同志。呵呵，此文甚巨，花了菜鸟我很多时间，欢迎大家多提意见，谢谢
1
He was a surprisingly unassuming man for such a titan among statesmen. His round, cherubic face belied a will of steel that had launched his vast land on the most remarkable transformation of the modern age. When death came to Deng Xiaoping last week, at 92, he was nearly blind, deaf, virtually invisible and the honorary chairman of only the China Bridge Association. Yet even in his long political twilight, he still cast a shadow over the nation, at once reassuring and restricting the Chinese as they march uncertainly toward the 21st century.
作为政治家中的巨人，邓小平是一个非常谦逊的人。他那圆圆的娃娃脸很难让人与他钢铁般的意志联系起来。他在中国广袤的土地上开启了现代史上最不寻常的变革。去世前的一周，但他已经几乎看不到东西，也听不见声响。92岁高龄的他当时仍然担任着中国桥牌协会的荣誉主席。但是，即使在其漫长的政治生涯的黄昏期中，他仍然对中国有着强大的影响，在中国人摸索着奔向21世纪的过程中发挥着主心骨的作用。
2
The seismic changes Deng set in motion were daring, thrusting one-fifth of mankind in a Great Leap Outward from the crushing, dogmatic isolation of Maoism into a quasi-capitalist economic miracle. The China that comes after Deng will grow inexorably from the complex of roots he planted firmly in the nation's soil. Yet his work is unfinished, and the next China will have to come to terms with the fundamental contradiction in his hybrid creation. Even as the country embarked on a headlong pursuit of free-market economics, Deng insisted it be done under the iron fist of a rigid communist political system. The people would be free to get rich but not to challenge or change their leaders. Economic liberties would have to coexist with political bondage. China would continue to be ruled by men, not laws.
邓小平果敢将占世界人口五分之一的中国人推入一场大开放中，奇迹般地把毛主义时期的顽固的闭关自守政策变成准资本主义经济体制。邓小平身后的中国将会从他深植于中国土地上的种子呈倍数的增长。然而，邓小平的中国的工作远未结束，未来的中国将遭遇杂交体制的根本矛盾。虽然中国仓促的开始了自由市场经济的改革，但邓小平仍然坚持这一任务必须在严格的共产党体制下进行。人们可以变得更富，但是不能挑战共产党的权威。经济自由要与政治束缚和平共处。中国仍将是人治的世界，而非法治。
3
When this frail old man finally succumbed to the Parkinson's disease and lung ailments that had sparked rumors of his demise for years, most Chinese registered barely a sigh. Black-clad television announcers proclaimed his death just a few hours after it occurred, while traffic continued to thread through Tiananmen Square. The casual manner in which Beijing residents went about their daily routines offered eloquent proof that the Chinese have accepted their leader's mortality and long since discounted his loss. "We are at ease with the thought that things will be all right without Deng," said Beijing writer Yin Zhixian. "It's unlikely that there will be major changes, because everyone is a beneficiary of Deng's policies." Thirtyish Zhu Xun, manager of the Shanghai office of a German air-conditioning firm, raised his glass of white wine at the chic Golden Age club in a fitting toast: "Thank you, Comrade Deng."
当这个虚弱的老人最终屈服于帕金森症和肺部不适时，说他已经逝世的流言传了几年，大部分中国人只有一声叹息。身穿素服的电视广播员在他逝世几小时之后就播报了消息，汽车还是向往常一样穿过天安门广场。北京人默默的过着他们的日常生活说明中国人已经习惯了领袖的逝去，不再对邓小平的离去抱太大的关注。“我们很平静，生活会继续进行。”北京作家任志贤说道。在一个高档的老年人俱乐部聚会上，德资空调公司上海办事处的经理，三十来岁的朱迅举起杯中的白葡萄酒，“谢谢你，小平同志”，他说“中国不太可能出现大的动荡，因为所有人都享受着邓小平政策的遗产”。
4
Though he continued to wield an almost mystic influence from his private Beijing compound, Deng's gradual withdrawal from overt power allowed his successors to prepare for an orderly transition. He was, like the ghosts Chinese revere, a force the current leaders dared not speak of disrespectfully. The steady rise in personal prosperity has persuaded China's citizens that their new leaders will continue to follow in Deng's footsteps without a major change of direction.
虽然还保留着对他的政治领地北京的神秘的影响，邓小平在公开权力上的逐渐隐退还是让其继任者可以有序的接他的班。他，就像一个中国人崇敬的神灵，当权者不敢对其不敬，中国人民个人生活的稳步改善让他们相信继任者将会继续邓的步伐，不会做出大方向的改变。
5
Yet for all their outward calm, the Chinese are as anxious as the rest of the world about their future. Jiang Zemin, State President, head of the party, chief of the military committee, the "core" of the new collective leadership, was ordained by Deng eight years ago and has been running the government pretty much ever since. But history has never been kind to China in its moments of transition from one ruler to the next. And though there is confidence that these new leaders are firmly set upon the path of reform, there is equal doubt that they have the courage, stamina and leadership to complete the journey.
但是表面的平静掩饰不了中国人同外国人一样对未来的焦虑，继任者江泽民，身兼国家主席、党的总书记和军委主席。作为新的领导集体的“核心”，是邓小平八年前指定的接班人，从那时就开始管理这个国家。但是历史在一个统治者向另一个统治者交接的时候对中国人从不仁慈。虽然人们有信心新的领导集体将坚定改革的道路，但是人们同样担心，他们是不是有足够的勇气、耐力和权利来完成这一过程。
6
Jiang finds himself thrust into the limelight in what already promises to be a watershed year in Chinese affairs. U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright will pay her maiden call at his office this week. Despite the official six-day period of mourning, Beijing quickly cabled Albright that they wished the meeting to go ahead. "They want to take her measure, and they want to show that it's business as usual," says a senior State Department official. Vice President Al Gore is expected in March. The national parliament opens its annual session that month, and the 15th Party Congress, the important meeting held every five years to fix policy and confirm leadership positions, is scheduled for the fall. Trickiest of all, Hong Kong reverts to Chinese control on July 1 and will be the world's litmus test of China's behavior. How Jiang handles this rush of events will be weighed by every domestic political rival, Chinese citizen and foreign power as a measure of his suitability.
江泽民发现自己被投入到镁光灯下，而今年也注定是中国事态的分水岭。美国国务卿玛德琳.奥尔布赖特将打出她上任后的第一个电话。虽然中国宣布了六天的国丧期，但是北京迅速的通知她希望会谈可以继续。
"TO GET RICH IS GLORIOUS"
变富正好
7
China, Deng told President Jimmy Carter in 1979, would need a long period of peace to realize its full modernization. To accomplish that, he added, China would also need Western money and know-how. Flinging open the doors, he led China on a capitalist drive from which there is no turning back.
邓小平告诉卡特总统，中国需要一个长时间的和平以事先现代化。他说，要实现这个目标，中国需要西方的资金和技术。他带领中国猛然打开国门，走向资本主义，开弓没有回头箭。
8
As recently as 1994, Gao Feng, now 47, earned $100 a month as a machine repairman in a state-run textile factory in Shanghai. Then the nearly bankrupt firm laid off 300 workers, promising Gao 300 yuan a month to stay home. "These changes offered new opportunities," says Gao, and so he cobbled together $1,100 and enrolled in a course for taxi drivers. Gao now drives a shiny Santana cab for another state enterprise, and his take-home pay is pegged to his own c. On average, he says, he earns $240 a month plying his route from 5:30 a.m. to 9 p.m.
就在最近的1994年，47岁的高峰，作为上海一个国营的纺织厂的机器修理工，每月挣100美元。然而濒临倒闭的工厂解雇了300个工人，答应每月给他们200元。“这件事给了我新的机会”，高峰说，她仓促凑齐1000美元，报名参加了出租车司机的培训课程。现在，高峰为另一个国有企业开着闪亮的桑塔纳出租车，他税后的收入是与自己的工作挂钩的。他每天在固定的线路上从早上5：30 跑到晚上9点，平均每天每月能挣240美元。
9
All Shanghai is caught up in entrepreneurial energy. In the mid-'80s, while southern provinces like Guangdong and Hainan turned Deng's experiment in "special zones" into a capitalist boom, Shanghai's decrepit state industries stagnated, its infrastructure disintegrated, and its people sulked. The economic revolution wasn't reaching far beyond a few chosen cities. Recalls Li Bo, a Shanghai economist who runs a consulting firm for German companies: "The most popular expression in 1991 was 'Gao bu hao le'--everything's hopeless."
整个上海洋溢着办企业的激情，在八十年代中期，当南方身份诸如广东和海南把邓小平在“特区”的试验变成“资本主义大发展是，上海的破败的国有企业真陷入停滞，体制崩溃，民怨沸腾。经济改革只是被限制在选定的几个城市。上海的经济学家，同时也是一家为德资公司服务的公司咨询公司的老板李波说：“1991年，上海最常见的词语是“搞不好了”，什么都没有希望”
10
Everything changed in 1992. Deng emerged from retirement to exhort his successors and lagging Chinese cities to "dive into the sea" of capitalist commerce. Shanghai dived in, reviving all its old spunk and luster. The metropolis is furiously rebuilding, attracting foreign investment, remaking itself into an Asian hub of finance, trade and culture. Officials say they will quadruple the city's industrial and agricultural output by the year 2000.
一切在1992年有了改观，邓小平再次复出。敦促其继任者和行动缓慢的城市“下资本主义的海”。上海跳了下去，重现其勇敢和辉煌。这座大都市疯狂的重建，吸引外国投资，很快重现其亚洲金融，贸易和文化中心的风采。官方预测其工农业产值将在2000前翻两番。
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Today Shanghai is one vast construction site. More than 20,000 projects, including 5,000 major ones, are under way as 27,000 companies build bridges, tunnels, flyovers, ring roads, hotels, villas, golf courses and public housing. The "crane," quips Vice Mayor Zhao Qizheng, should be designated the city's official bird.
今天的上海是一个巨大的建造场。20000多个项目，包括2000个大型项目正在建设中，2700家公司建造着桥梁、隧道、立交桥、环形路、宾馆、别墅、高尔夫球场和公用住房。“鹤将被指定为是上海市的市鸟”，副市长赵启正妙语连珠。
12
Chinese capitalism was born in the rural farmlands when Deng permitted the provinces to dismantle their communes and collective farms. Peasants raced to divide up plots of land for private tilling, harvesting record crops and selling them in private markets. In no time, residents of tiny villages like Fenghuang in central Sichuan province had wrought a green revolution. By 1984 the village was producing more than $1 million worth of rice and a range of side products, including a famous brand of rice wine. The once impoverished residents were now earning close to $200 a year, enough to begin replacing their mud-and-straw huts with solid brick houses.
中国的资本主义源于邓小平允许各省公社和生产队。农民们迅速的分了田地自己经营并生产出创纪录的粮食，并在市场上出售。很快的，诸如四川省凤凰村的小山村完成了“绿色革命”。到1984年，该村生产了价值十万美元的粮食和多种附加产品，包括一种著名的米酒。曾经穷困的农民每年可以收入200美元，他们开始把茅草房换成更加固的砖瓦房。
13
Economic liberalization spread through the land, sparking national growth that has averaged 10% a year for the past 18 years. Millions of Chinese go home each month with bulging wallets, accumulating private wealth in stocks, bonds and bank deposits that has jumped sixtyfold since 1980. The average per capita income last year stood at about $250, but people live far better than the number implies, since the prices of goods and services remain relatively low. The Chinese can buy cars, appliances, TVs, pagers, cell phones, computers--all the expensive gadgetry of advanced industrialism. Private enterprises have expanded to make up 13.5% of the economy, and joint ventures account for 38%; state-run production has dwindled to 48%.
经济自由化席卷中国，引发国家经济连续在过去18年保持10%以上的增长。成千上万的中国人每月带着鼓鼓的钱包回家，将钱投入股市、债券和银行账户中升值。其中银行存款从1980年依赖增长了60倍。去年中国的人均所得达到了250美元，但是人们的生活显然比这一数字有了更大的改善，因为商品和服务价格维持在相对很低的水平。中国人买得起汽车、家电、电视机、寻呼机，手机和电脑—等等昂贵的工业国家的用品。私有企业上升到占经济总额的13.5%，合资企业达到38%，而国有企业下滑到48%。
14
China has not merely joined the world community but has become the globe's third largest economy. As the trend continues, local capitalists and foreign investors will corner more than a quarter of the country's production by 2000. China raked in nearly $40 billion in capital from abroad last year and lures more foreign investment than any other developing nation. The country is already a formidable force in international trade, an export powerhouse that ranks 11th in the world.
中国远未融入国际社会，但是却已经是世界第三大经济体。如果这已发展趋势得以延续，本地的资产阶级和国外投资将在2000年达到中国产出的四分之一。中国去年吸引到了将近400亿美元的国外投资，这是发展中国家中最多的。中国已经变成一个国际贸易中的一个重要力量，其出口在全球排名第十一位。
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Economic progress has propelled once unthinkable social changes. The strict, monochromatic way of living has yielded to a stunning variety of colorful life-styles. Big Brother is no longer a pervasive presence. People are free to wear what they want, work where they want, live where they want, travel where they want. They enjoy vastly greater access to information of all sorts. They can choose whom to marry and when to divorce--though a couple may still have only one child. They may air their views, gripe and disagree with one another or the authorities--as long as they don't organize protests or insult top leaders.
经济的进步引发了难以想象的社会变革。严格的、单色的生活让位于令人惊奇的多姿多彩的生活方式。老大哥的监视不再谁在出可见。人们自由的穿衣，自由的工作，自由的生活，自由的旅行。他们可以享受更大的获取各种信息的机会。他们可以选择和谁结婚以及何时离婚—虽然一对夫妇还是只能养一个孩子。他们可以对他人或当局自由的发表自己的意见、不满和牢骚—只要不组织抗议或者侮辱最高领导人即可。
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There is even the beginning of grass-roots democracy. With little fanfare or publicity, peasants in villages across China are choosing local leaders by secret ballot from a slate of candidates that may include not only Communist Party members but also individuals with no affiliation. The farmers can unseat the bums who mismanaged the local electrification project or the crooks who pocketed irrigation fees and elect the "capable people" of their choice. By 2000, all of China's more than 1 million villages will operate under the system. Some say these local elections are diluting the Communist Party's power. And the party leaders now have a vested interest in the economy's steady advance. As their Marxist ideology loses all legitimacy under the wave of money that has finally turned the country, after 150 years of sullen resentment, into a strong competitor with the West, their very survival seems to ride on their ability to keep the economy going.
甚至草根民主也开始起步，虽然宣传很少，中国农村的居民们正在通过暗箱投票从候选人名单中选举他们当地的领导，这个名单包括了了与共产党没有联系的非共产党籍的候选人。农民们可以把管理不好电气化工程或者贪污了灌溉费的的恶棍赶下台，也可以选出自己心目中有能力的人。到2000年，中国所有的100万的农村将实施这样的体制。有人说，这种基层选举将稀释共产党的权力。共产党的领导既定政策重心放在经济的稳步增长上。对财富的追求使中国摆脱了150年来的怨恨，成为了可与西方匹敌的经济体，但同时也冲击着马克思主义意识形态，其能否继续生存下去取决于能否保持经济的稳步增长。
"REFORM MUST BE INSISTED ON FOR 100 YEARS"
改革开放一百年不动摇
17
China before Deng may have been poor, but everyone was equally in need. Now, around the corner from Shanghai's glittering Golden Age club, those forgotten by the economic boom gather under the eaves of the central railway station. There, a "floating population" of the destitute from far-flung corners of the nation arrives by the carload, hoping that Shanghai will be the land of plenty. Ran Yigang, a scruffy 23-year-old with the thick hands of a farm laborer, got off the train last week from Anhui, one of the poorest provinces. All day he searched in vain for construction work, then collapsed on a bag of clothing in front of the station. He considered whether to take a room for $2.50, a price he considers usurious, or hop a train in search of work elsewhere. "I wonder how people here get so rich," he says.
邓小平以前的中国虽然贫穷，但是人民都一样。但是现在，在上海闪耀的老年人俱乐部的周围，一些被经济膨胀遗忘的人聚集在中央火车站。那儿，一群来自广大中国的偏远地区的赤贫的“流动人口”们乘着货车来到了上海，希望上海是一个机会多多的地方。冉易纲，今年23岁，穿着邋遢，双手因为长期干农活而宽厚有力，上周从安徽来到上海。找了一整天的建筑工作而没有成功，无助的倒在火车站前自己的行李上。他考虑着是不是要去住2.5美元一晚的旅店，这个价格在他看来是在是太贵了。或者是跳上火车去别的地方寻找工作。“我真不知道这里的人怎么发的财！”他叹息道。
18
Deng's commercial revolution is dangerously incomplete. "China is like a movie set," says Mineo Nakajima, one of Japan's leading Sinologists. "It looks wonderful, but it's all an illusion." Many of the most difficult issues were put on hold while Deng lived, but the new regime cannot hope to ignore these malignancies indefinitely.
邓的经济改革非常的不完全。“中国就像一个电影场景，看起来很美，但是只是一个幻象。”日本的著名汉学家Mineo Nakajima说。许多困难在邓小平在世的时候被搁置。但是新政府不能在永远的忽略这些毒瘤。
19
Even though 800 million peasants were the first to thrive on economic reform, the urban boom has left many of them far behind. Per capita income in the countryside is only $190 a year, about 40% of the urban average. Some 65 million struggle to survive on incomes below the official poverty line of $64 a year. The hinterland clamors for a bigger share of the pie, and historically, rural poverty has been the underlying cause of political unrest. The floating population of desperate job seekers pouring into China's cities has reached 100 million. While they provide the cities with cheap labor, they have stripped the countryside of its ablest workers and are blamed for the wave of crime that plagues urban neighborhoods.
虽然中国的8亿农民是最早受惠于经济改革的，但是后期城市的大发展却把农村远远的甩在了身后。农村的年人均收入是190美元，只相当于城市水平的40%。大约6500万农民还挣扎在年收入64美元的官方贫困线下。内地要求经济蛋糕的更大份额，况且，历史上，农村贫困一直是真正动乱的潜在威胁。涌入城市绝望的流动求职数量已经达到了1亿多。在他们为城市提供了廉价的劳动力的同时，农村却少了最能干的劳力，并且被认为是造成城市犯罪严重瘟疫的罪魁祸首。
20
As the gap between rich and poor individuals yawns, so does the divide between wealthy and impoverished provinces, creating competing regional principalities that threaten the control of the central government in Beijing. The wealthy Meccas on the coast routinely ignore orders from the national authorities, their aggressive technocrats think and act according to their own rules, and power flows where the money goes.
在富人和穷人的差距越来越大时，地区之间的差距引发了互相竞争性的地区王国，从而威胁中央的控制权。富裕的沿海地区常常无视中央政府的权威，那些好斗的技术官员们认为他们应该按自己的行为准则行事，权利也流向金钱集中的地方。
21
A true market economy cannot emerge fully until the government does something about its ailing state enterprises. These decrepit firms, employing some 100 million workers, are swamped by debt, surplus labor and bloated inventories. Their out-of-date equipment and Marxist management, corrupt and incompetent, make them hopelessly uncompetitive. Half the 100,000 enterprises operate at a loss, and one-third barely turn a profit. At one time or another, half of all state employees have been furloughed or have had their pay or hours cut. Workers earn most of their income moonlighting for private firms.
在一个真正的市场经济中政府不再会对陷入困境的国有企业救济。这些衰败的企业，雇佣着多达一亿的员工，却深陷债务泥沼，冗员过多，以及库存堆积如上。他们的机器设备严重过时，马克思主义的管理方式陈旧，贪污腐败严重，让他们毫无竞争力。这些10000多家企业的大约一半亏本经营，三分之一根本无法盈利。有时，一半的员工放假在家，工资和工时减半，工人们大多通过夜间在私营企业兼职获得大部分收入。
22
Yet no one in Beijing has dared face the high-risk social and political consequences of cutting off the subsidies that keep these plants working. Instead Beijing has been pumping billions of dollars into them to stave off their bankruptcy. Shutting down the biggest, most inefficient, monopolistic enterprises would throw millions out of work. Already, wildcat strikes and noisy demonstrations have disrupted several regions.
但是，北京当局没有任何人敢于面对取消困难企业补助将引发的严重的社会和政治问题。相反，北京一直投入上百万美元以延迟这些企业的破产。关闭这些最大的、最没有效率的垄断性企业将导致数以十万的失业。自发的罢工和喧闹的示威已经影响到某些地区。
23
Corruption is biting into everyone's purse as petty officials, communist bureaucrats, soldiers and policemen, middlemen and hucksters greedily siphon off anything they can stuff into their own pockets. The protests that rocked the communist government in 1989 were in part fueled by popular resentment of endemic financial chicanery. Today the failure to establish political or judicial systems that can check corruption is stirring widespread public anger once again.
腐败者把手伸进了每个人的口袋，一些卑鄙的官员，共产党的官僚，士兵、中间商和小贩贪婪的把所有能攫取的东西都塞进了自己的口袋。1989年那次震动共产党政府的游行示威一部分原因就是公众对于地方的金融欺诈严重不满。现在随着政治和可以防治福报的司法体系建设的失败，再一次引发了全国性的公愤。
24
Meanwhile, the military is demanding a bigger share of the nation's resources. Tens of thousands of officers and hundreds of thousands of soldiers are busily engaged in the pursuit of commercial interests from chicken farms to karaoke bars as part of an almost comical program of self-financing, but the top brass is not joking about its determination to modernize.
同时，军队也在要求更多的资源。成千上万的官员和士兵真忙于追逐商业利益，诸如开办养鸡场和卡拉OK厅以达到令人捧腹的追求自给自足的项目。但是上级官员追求现代化的决心没有改变。
25
Deng always put revamping the armed forces last among his Four Modernizations, and he demobilized more than a million soldiers from the People's Liberation Army. But the 2.9 million left still operate more like a force trained to envelop an enemy with sheer numbers than one capable of responding rapidly with 21st century firepower. After watching a whole new way of warfare in the Persian Gulf, senior officers went on a buying spree. They came home last year with 50 Russian attack jets, two Russian destroyers, four diesel submarines and 70 fighter planes.
邓小平一向把军队现代化放在四化的最后，他遣散了上百万的军队。但是剩下的290万军队仍然是按照单纯靠数量把敌人围起来，而不是培养可以迅速反应的适合21世纪先进火力的单兵作战能力。在看到了波斯湾战争的全新战争模式后，中国军方高层开始了一次采购潮。他们从俄罗斯买来了50架战斗机，两支驱逐舰，四支柴油动力潜艇和70架歼击机。
26
The idea is to convert the defensive People's Army into a modern, mobile attack force capable of projecting power beyond China's borders. Top priority is a blue-water navy to carry troops into areas remote from the mainland. But the Pentagon estimates that it will be at least 20 years before China can rival the U.S. Navy, and it is an open question whether any regime can bear the expense of seeking military superpower status.
中国的目标是把中国的自卫性的军队变成现代化的机动部队，这支军队可以向远离中国本土的地方投送兵力。有限建设的是其蓝海战略，目的是将军队运送到远离中国本土的地区。但是五角大楼预估中国至少需要20年才能赶上美国海军，另一个悬而未决的问题是其他国家能接受中国这种追求军事超级大国地位的努力吗？
"SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS"
中国特色的社会主义
27
Deng used that maxim to mean many things, but at its most fundamental it defines the base line of his blueprint for reform: a stubborn, inflexible resistance to political change. A hard-liner all his life, he was determined that economic liberalization would not sweep away the Communist Party's monopoly on power. He committed his successors to the relentless repression of democracy. Deng and some of the men now in power ordered the tanks into Tiananmen Square in June 1989 to crush the nascent democracy movement beneath a heap of bloody bodies. Since then, virtually all of China's political dissidents have been jailed or hounded into exile.
邓小平用这个格言解释很多事情，但是最基本的用来界定他改革蓝图的底线：对政治改革的顽固的，不可动摇的抗拒。一生从不妥协，他坚持经济自由化不能清除共产党的垄断统治。他让继任者无情的镇压民主活动。邓小平和某些现今的当权者指挥坦克开进天安门广场，镇压新生的民主活动和一堆堆的流着鲜血的躯体。从那时开始，中国所有的异见者要么被投进监狱，要么被迫流亡。
28
The prime ambition of the new leaders is simple: stability. They are not alone in that desire. However cynical the Chinese people have become about Marxism, they, like the leadership, profoundly fear disorder. The terrible decades under Mao taught the entire nation the very real dangers of anarchy, and while the Chinese now want to concentrate on private concerns, they want to do so amid political stability and public order. That allows the regime to maintain a degree of authoritarianism quite abhorrent to Westerners. Jiang and his cohort can probably maintain Deng's dual system of economic progress and political rigidity as long as people's material expectations are being met.
新领导人的首要目标很简单：稳定。在这个诉求上他们并不孤独。不管中国人对马克思主义有多怀疑，他们，和领导层一样，深深害怕动乱。毛时代的恐怖让整个国家害怕社会失序，当中国人注意力都集中在个人发展上时，他们希望有一个稳定的政治环境和公共秩序。这就是的一定程度上的专制在西方可能格格不入，但在中国却仍可继续存在。江泽民和他的同事们能够继续邓小平的经济发展和政治僵化的双重体制，只要中国人的物质需求能够得到满足。
29
Yet the odds against achieving full modernization without losing political control are daunting. The party's one remaining claim to legitimacy rests on its ability to deliver sustained economic growth and rising incomes. Once people are rich and fat enough, they begin to demand a say in their own governance. What no one can predict is how long China can continue to achieve economic advances without modifying--or being forced to modify--its repressive political system.
但是，在不放弃政治控制的情况下实现全面现代化的可能性微乎其微。共产党唯一剩下的合法性在于他可以给中国人带来可持续的经济增长和收入增加。当有一天人们已经足够富裕，他们就会开始要求管理自己的权利。没人可以预测中国在不改变体制—或者被迫改变—其压迫性的政治体制的情况下能维持多久的经济增长。
30
One critical indicator to watch is any "reversal of verdicts" on the Tiananmen Square massacre. Ever since that debacle, the regime has declared it the justified suppression of a counterrevolutionary riot by a bunch of hooligans. As long as Deng was alive, no official revisions were possible. But many wonder whether the new leadership will make a bow to all those pressing for political liberalization by changes in the official attitude toward that traumatizing event.
一个需要关注的重要信号是官方是否会对天安门大屠杀做出“重新认定”。自从那次事件后，官方一直声称这是一次对一群反革命暴乱分子的合法镇压。邓小平在世的时候，官方说法不可能改变。但许多人想知道新的领导层是否会借改变对那次冲突的官方定性来向这些追求政治自由的人们妥协。
"IT DOESN'T MATTER WHETHER A CAT IS BLACK OR WHITE, AS LONG AS IT CATCHES MICE"
不管黑猫白猫，抓到老鼠就是好猫
31
Deng's famous proclamation is usually interpreted as a defense of pragmatism. But it can just as easily be applied to his idea of leadership: not a cult of personality but a test of efficiency. The bottom-line challenge for his chosen heir, Jiang Zemin, is to prove he can carry on Deng's pragmatic work.
邓小平发的这句名言常常被用来为实用主义辩护。但是更像是他的领导方式的写照：没有个人崇拜，只考虑实际效果。对其继任者江泽民最低的挑战是：他能不能证明自己可以继续邓小平的实用主义路线。
32
Up until Deng's passing, Jiang & Co. had been able to wrap themselves in the mantle of the great man's authority. Now Jiang must cement his own claim to it, and many wonder if he has the strength and charisma to sustain a cohesive leadership or the moral and political pre-eminence to dominate his rivals and his country. He has shown growing self-confidence and has managed to consolidate his base more successfully than anticipated; he is unlikely to be challenged right away as party or national boss.
一直到邓小平离去之前，江集体一直躲在他的权威下。现在江泽民需要确立自己的权威，但是许多人怀疑他是否有足够的权利和魅力建立起有凝聚力的领导集体，或者说有足够道义和政治上能力控制住政治对手和全中国。他已开始显现出不断增长的自信，并比人们预期更好巩固了自己的地位，现在他不太可能受到来自党内或国内的挑战。
33
Jiang's biggest problem is that he is only first among equals, and, says Winston Lord, former Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, "he can't just issue edicts. He has to marshal a consensus." That consigns him to continuity and caution rather than bold decision making in the manner of Deng. One day after the Paramount Leader's death, Jiang issued a statement promising to turn "grief into strength" in "unswerving" pursuit of Deng's policies. The process already in place dictates avoiding radical shifts in economic and political policy at home and minimizing the chances of miscalculation abroad.
“江泽民最大的问题在于他只是平等的领导集体中的一把手，他无法单独签署命令，他需要和其他领导人求的一致。”美国掌管东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿Winston Lord说。这让他不得不保持政策的连续性，并且采取不同于邓小平不同大胆的行为方的谨慎作风。邓小平逝世之后的第二天，江泽民声明将“化悲痛为力量”、坚定不移的推行邓小平的政策。这一正当其时的行动表明他力避国内政治经济政策的大变动，并且尽量减少国外误读其政策的可能性。

终于完成了，花了我两天时间，以后再不做这种吃力不讨好的事情啦
ps：生词12．the next CHINA
unassuming 谦逊的，不招摇过市的
assume 假设，臆想，假装
       承担，担任，就职
       呈现，采取
titan 泰坦 太阳神 巨人
stateman 政治家
cherubic 天使的，天真无邪的，可爱的
belie 给人以。。。假象，使。。。被误解
      不足以证明，未能实现
钢铁般的意志a will of steel
invisible 看不见的，暗藏的
名誉主席 honarary chairman
China Bridge Association 中国桥牌协会
twilight 黄昏，黎明
reassure 消除恐惧或疑虑，恢复信心
restrict 限制，约束
seismic 地震的，由地震引起的
daring 勇敢的，无谓的
thrust 猛推 戳 刺
Great Leap Outward 大开放
crushing 决定性的
dogmatic 武断的，教条式的 固执己见的
isolation 与世隔绝 隔离
quasi-capitalist 准资本主义的，类似资本主义的
quasi 类似的，准的
Maoism 毛泽东主义
inexorably 无情的，冷酷的
complex of roots 负数根
come to terms with 与。。。达成协议
                   忍受 对待
fundamental contradiction 根本矛盾
hybrid 混合的，杂交植物 杂种 混血儿 杂交生成的新物体
embarked on 着手，开始做某事
headlong 轻率的 仓促的 迅猛而失控的
自由市场经济free-market economics
iron fist 铁拳
rigid communist political system 严厉的共产主义政治体制
coexist 同时存在 和平共处
political bondage 政治约束
bondage 奴役 束缚 身体受束缚
be ruled by men, not laws 人治而非法治
frail 虚弱的（身体），脆弱的 薄弱的
succumbed to 屈服于
succumb 不再抵抗（诱惑，疾病，攻击）
        屈从
the Parkinson's disease 帕金森症 震颤性麻痹
lung ailments 肺部不适
ailment 疾病（犹指慢性病），不适
ail 疾病 折磨 使心烦
demise 死 终止
rumor 传闻 谣言
Black-clad 身穿黑衣的
clad 穿衣的 覆盖的
proclaim 正式宣布 显示
television announcers  电视播报员
thread through 小心翼翼的穿过
把。。。穿过
妥善处理
eloquent 清楚的表现出来
         雄辩的，有口才的
discount 不考虑，不全信
          折扣
beneficiary 受益者 受惠者
Thirtyish 三十
air-conditioning 空调
white wine 白葡萄酒
chic 漂亮的 时髦的 潇洒的 高雅的
Golden Age club （美国）老年人俱乐部
wield 具有，运用（权利），施加影响
      手持（武器，工具）
wield an influence 施加影响
mystic 神秘的
private Beijing compound 私有的北京权利领地
compound （筑有围墙的）院子
         （围起来的）场地
         混合物，化合物
         使混合 使合成
         使严重，使恶化
逐渐隐退gradual withdrawal
公开权利overt power
overt 公开的 不隐蔽的
overture （向某人做出）友好表示，姿态或提议
         （歌剧、舞剧、芭蕾舞剧、音乐剧的）序曲，前奏曲
有序的交接orderly transition
personal prosperity 个人幸福
follow in 跟进
          跟进抢篮板，跟进投篮
outward 表面的，外表的
        外出的，向外的
集体领导collective leadership
ordain 授予某人为牧师
       授予（某人）圣职
       （上帝，法律）判定 命令
stamina 体力 耐力 持久力
know-how 实际知识 技术秘诀 诀窍
Fling 抛 扔 丢
      扑进 冲出 急伸 猛动
      尽情欢呼的一阵 放纵
laid off 解雇 下岗 失业
cobble together 迅速筹集（资金）
cobble 粗劣的制作 草率的拼凑
       修（鞋）
cobbler 修鞋匠
cobbled 铺满鹅卵石的
enroll in 使。。。加入
课程course
shiny 发光的 明亮的 磨光的
cab 出租车 （公共汽车、火车的）司机室，驾驶室，出租马车
国有企业state enterprise
take-home pay 扣税后的实际工资
peg 挂钩 挂钉 衣夹
用夹子或钉子固定
使固定在某水平
moxie 精力 勇气 胆量
ply 固定往来（如出租车跑固定路线plying his route）
经营生意
经常供应（食物，饮料）
不断提出，质问
经常提供消息
毛线，绳的股
夹板的层片
is caught up in 沉湎于
is caught up in 资本主义大发展
decrepit 衰老的 老朽的 破旧的
stagnate 停滞 不流动 不发展
disintegrate 崩溃 解体
sulk 生闷气
consulting firm 咨询公司
emerged from retirement 复出
exhort 劝告 劝说
lag 走得极慢 落后
滞后，时间上的间隔
下海dive into the sea
revive 复苏
       使。。。在生效
       回忆起
       使。。。再流行
spunk 勇敢
      坚定
      精液
luster 光彩 光泽
       使光亮 使光泽
hub of finance, trade and culture 经济、贸易和文化中心
hub 中心，中心所在
轮毂
quadruple 使成四倍 使翻两番
industrial and agricultural output 工业和农业产出
tunnel 隧道 地道 （动物栖息的）穴
flyover 立交桥
ring road 环形路
villa 别墅 公馆
golf course 高尔夫球场
public housing 政府为低收入者所建的住房
crane 鹤
quip 即兴的俏皮话，妙语
     说俏皮话
official bird 市鸟 国鸟之类的
dismantle 废除 取消
          拆开 拆卸
commune 公社
        与。。。感觉一致
        感觉与。。。很亲近
collective farms 集体农场
race to 跑到，快速的把。。送到
plot 小块地皮，把。。分成小块
     故事情节
     密谋 策划
     绘制 标出
tilling 耕作;耕作;耕耘
wrought 制造的 锻造的 经装饰的
green revolution 绿色革命
side products 附加产品
米酒rice wine
茅草房mud-and-straw huts
hut 小屋 棚屋
Pizza Hut必胜客
brick houses 砖瓦房
bulging 突出 膨胀 打气 折破
bulge 膨胀 肿起 突出 鼓起
银行账户bank deposits
sixtyfold 六十倍
per capita income 个人平均所得
capita 人头
牲畜的总头数
       资本
appliance 器具 器械 装置
          家用电器
pager 寻呼机
gadgetry 小机械 小器具
gadget 小机械 小器具
advanced industrialism 发达工业国家
state-run production 国有企业产出
dwindle 逐渐变小
国际社会world community
corner 垄断 囤积
       角 角落
       遥远的地区
       困境，逼入困境
       驾车转弯
rake in 迅速取得
rake 耙子
     耙平 耙出来
     翻阅（旧文件）以收缩事实
     向（船只）开枪扫射
lure 诱惑
formidable 可怕的
           令人畏惧的，令人惊叹【钦佩】的
           难以克服【对付】的
powerhouse 发电站 power plant
ranks 11th  排名第十一位
propel 推动 促进
monochromatic 单色的 单频的
mono 单声道的
chromatic 有颜色的 颜色鲜艳的
Big Brother 老大哥 英国小说<1984>里面的独裁者
air 晾晒 烘干
播送 广播
使房间通风透气
神态 姿态 样子
gripe 牢骚 抱怨
      感到或引起腹肠绞痛
insult 侮辱 冒犯
草根民主 grass-roots democracy
fanfare 仪式上用的短曲
slate 候选人名单 提名名单
      板岩 石板
      石板色 暗灰色
      用石板瓦盖
affiliation 联系
unseat 革除（职位） 夺取（议员的）席位
       （马）把（骑手）摔下来
bum 懒鬼 寄生虫 无赖
乞求 索求
沉湎于娱乐活动的人
以乞讨为生的流浪汉，无业游民
游荡生活
electrification 电气化
crook 罪犯 犯人
      骗子 恶棍
      （牧羊人或主教用的）弯拐杖
      弯曲部分 弯曲处
      弯成勾形
pocket 侵吞 盗用
       袋 口袋
       袖珍的 小型的
dilute 稀释 冲淡
vested 既定的
sullen 闷闷不乐的
       阴郁的 阴沉的
glitter 闪耀 闪光 闪烁
        表面的诱惑力 吸引力
eave 屋檐
流动人口 floating population
the destitute 贫民们
destitute 赤贫的 疾苦的 没有的 缺乏的
far-flung 广布的 广泛的 蔓延的 漫长的 遥远的
fling 抛 扔 丢
      扑进 冲出 急伸 猛动
      尽情欢乐的一阵 放纵
carload 车辆所载的货物
        货车的最低限载量
scruffy 肮脏的 不整洁的
laborer 劳动者（犹指体力劳动者）
        壮工
in vain 白费的
建筑工程 施工工程construction work
usurious 高利贷的 高利的
hop 跳跃 单足蹦跳
跳上（下）
搭乘
越过，跳过
一次短的飞行距离
commercial revolution 经济改革
Sinologist 汉学家
on hold 暂缓 推迟 搁置
        等着通电话
malignancy 恶意
           肿瘤
thrive on 靠吃。。。长壮
          喜欢
Per capita income 人均收入
hinterland 内地 内陆 腹地
           (由某一港口或某些其他中心城市供应物资的)内陆贸易区
clamor 大声要求
       叫嚷
a bigger share of the pie 要求更大的一块蛋糕
underlying 根本的 基础的
           含蓄的 潜在的
underlie 位于或存在与某物之下
         构成。。。的基础（或起因）
         引起
政治动荡political unrest
绝望的找工作的人desperate job seekers
plague 瘟疫，使染瘟疫
urban neighborhoods 城市或城郊
yawn 张开 裂开
     打哈欠
     枯燥或乏味的事情
富裕和贫穷的身份wealthy and impoverished provinces
principality 公国 侯国
principal
Mecca 众人渴望去的地方
technocrat 技术专家 专家政治论者
ailing 生病的 不舒服的
ailing state enterprises 陷入困境的国有企业
decrepit 衰老的 老朽的 破旧的
swamp 沼泽地
      淹没
      使困窘
      使忙的不可开交
冗员surplus labor 剩余劳动力
bloated inventories 不断膨胀的库存
bloated 膨胀的 肿胀的
        得意忘形的
bloat 使膨胀 肿起
腌制
      得意
inventory 存活清单
          详细目录
at a loss 亏本
          不知所措
furlough 放假 休假 暂时解雇 准假
moonlighting 夜间活动 夜袭
             犹指在夜间从事第二职业
高风险的 high-risk
社会和政治后果social and political consequences
cut off 切（隔）断 阻碍
stave off 延迟 避开 挡开
stave 打破 砸破
      五线谱
      侧板
垄断企业monopolistic enterprises
wildcat strikes 工人自发的突然罢工
biting 刺痛的 尖刻的
petty 卑鄙的 小气的 不重要的
middleman 中间人
huckster 大声叫卖的小贩
         讨价还价 没完没了的争论
         叫卖货物
siphon off 汲取
siphon 虹吸管
stuff into 塞进
rock 使 震惊 使 受震动
in part 一定程度上 部分的
resentment 怨恨
endemic 地方性的 某地特有的 地方病‘
chicanery 哄骗 欺骗
          不诚实的行为
political and judical system 政治和司法系统
公愤public anger
commercial interests 商业利益
chicken farms 养鸡场
karaoke bars 卡拉OK厅
comical 好笑的 滑稽的 怪里怪气的
self-financing 自筹经费
top brass 上级 上级官员
revamp 修补
四个现代化 Four modernisation
demobilize 遣散 使复原
mobilize 动员调动
firepower 火力
one capable of responding rapidly 激动迅速单兵作战的
warfare 战争 战争状态
the Persian Gulf 波斯湾
buying spree 抢购风 疯狂购买
spree 狂欢 纵乐 无节制的疯狂行为
      狂饮
attack jets 战斗机
destroyer 驱逐舰 破坏者
diesel submarines 柴油动力潜艇
fighter planes 歼击机 战斗机
capable of 有能力的
蓝海计划blue-water navy
an open question 未解决的问题
中国特色的社会主义 socialism with chinese characteristics
maxim 格言
stubborn 顽固的 固执的 难以移动的 去除 医治等
inflexible 坚定不移的 不可动摇的
           僵硬的 不弯曲的
hard-liner 不妥协者
hard-line 强硬立场 强硬路线
sweep away 扫除 刮走 冲走 清楚
monopoly on power 独裁 权力垄断
relentless 无情的 冷酷的
repression 镇压 约束 抑制 压抑
relentless repression of democracy 对民主的残酷镇压
nascent 诞生中的 开始形成的
heap 堆积 堆满
     大量 许多
dissident 持异见者
hound 烦扰 不断侵扰
commit to 把…送交, 托付给…
          对…作出承诺, 承担义务, 担负责任; 使(自己)致力于…
          把…固定在, 保留在…之上〔之中〕
a heap of 一大堆 很多 大量
ambition 渴望得到的东西
         抱负 雄心 野心
prime ambition 最大目标
cynical 愤世嫉俗的
        怀疑的
anarchy 混乱 犹指政治混乱
private concerns 个人生活 个人发展 个人前途
political stability 政治稳定
public order 公共秩序 社会治安
a degree of 某种程度的
authoritarianism 权利主义 独裁主义
abhorrent 格格不入的
          可恶的
abhorrent to Westerners 在西方人看来格格不入的
cohort 一群人 一帮人
dual system 双系统
dual system of economic progress and political rigidity 经济发展、政治僵化的双系统
物质要求material expectations
odd 可能性
daunting 使人畏缩的
repressive 抑制的 镇压的 残酷的
reversal of verdicts 定性改变
the Tiananmen Square massacre 天安门广场大屠杀
debacle 崩溃 溃裂
suppression 压制 抑制
counterrevolutionary riot 反革命暴乱
hooligan 小流氓 街头恶棍
official revisions 官方修改
make a bow 鞠躬
press for 敦促 迫切要求 催促
          缺少
traumatize 使受精神创伤 使受外伤
proclamation 宣布 声明 公告
proclaim 显示
         正式宣布
pragmatism 实用主义
bottom-line确切地报出…的最终费用
            末行数字，结果
            底线 最低限度
            底线/盈亏一览结算线
            总之 归根结底
heir 继承人
Up until 一直到......为止
wrap themselves in the mantle of the great man's authority 把自己裹在伟人的权威之下
wrap 包 裹 卷
mantle 覆盖物 斗篷 披风 幕
cement 巩固 加强
       水泥 在。。。上抹水泥
       结合剂 粘合剂
charisma 魅力 魔力 神授的力量或才能
cohesive leadership 有凝聚力的领导
cohesive 有结合力的 产生内聚力的
pre-eminence 卓越
eminence 卓越 著名
         高地 高丘
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs 掌管东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿
Assistant Secretary of State 助理国务卿
edict 法令 赦令 告示
marshal a consensus 达成一致
marshal 元帅 最高指挥官
        典礼官 司仪
        执法官
        警察局长
        消防局长
        整理 排列 集结
consign to 交付给
consign 把。。。托人销售
        把。。。交付给 托付给
Paramount 最高的 至高无上的 首要的 主要的
          派拉蒙（成立于1914年的美国电影制片和发行公司；作为默片时代的主要制片厂，派拉蒙出品了许多塞西尔•德米尔的电影并造就了如玛丽•璧克馥和鲁道夫•瓦伦蒂诺这样的明星）
化悲痛为力量 turn "grief into strength"
unswerving 坚定的 始终不渝的
           不歪的 不偏离的
swerve 改变目的 改变方向
miscalculation 误算 估错

wilhelm

LZ的工作做的很好，很细致，等研究一下，来和你讨论，呵呵

karachi1930

我得慢慢看。谢谢

jonnyliao

楼主花了那么久时间怎么没人顶啊，我来顶一下啊！！

baal1860

慢慢看吧，肯定费了不少时间和精力！

SEAMARK

DING

Ray7

不少中国特色词汇，有用，顶必须的！

premiermao

When death came to Deng Xiaoping last week, at 92, he was nearly blind, deaf, virtually invisible and the honorary chairman of only the China Bridge Association. 去世前的一周，但他已经几乎看不到东西，也听不见声响。92岁高龄的他当时仍然担任着中国桥牌协会的荣誉主席。

这句话应该译成：上周，92岁的邓小平溘然长逝。去世前他已几乎双目失明、双耳失聪，仅担任中国桥牌协会名誉主席一职，从公众的视野中几近消失。

yaojinlong

顶起，好贴，细细阅读

ben_walking

漏译半段，抄错很多数字。